伊斯兰教、威权主义与欠发达:全球与历史比较

D. D. Denton
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引用次数: 0

摘要

不要被Ahmet Kuru这本书的标题所迷惑,乍一看,它似乎将伊斯兰教与威权主义和不发达联系在一起。封面上的这幅画让我们第一次领略到这幅作品——文艺复兴时期艺术家乔尔乔内的《三位哲学家》,描绘了一位介于古代哲学家和文艺复兴时期哲学家之间的穆斯林哲学家。读者可以期待从长期以来对伊斯兰教和民主的争论中得到喘息,因为《伊斯兰教、威权主义和不发达》是一本令人耳目一新的愉快读物,与这场争论中重复的陈词滥调相去甚远。它不仅是精心研究的,而且是一个引人入胜的资源,它概述和挑战了既定的理论,同时也推进了自己的理论。库鲁有一个雄心勃勃、令人钦佩的目标。他以一个简单而大胆的问题开始:“为什么穆斯林占多数的国家不那么和平、不那么民主、不那么发达?”关于伊斯兰教和民主的兼容性已经有很多论述,而这场辩论似乎只是因为本世纪阿拉伯起义的失败才重新活跃起来,更不用说随之而来的威权主义浪潮了。这个领域的大量工作证明了这个问题在智力上的相关性。然而,围绕这个话题的日益政治化和两极分化,极大地削弱了充满活力和基于事实的公共辩论的可能性,使读者难以驾驭,往往将他们更深地推入自己的意识形态茧中。库鲁的这本及时的书跨越了这些分歧,令人不安,促使读者放弃方便的假设,超越他们的政治、意识形态和方法论的舒适区,因为他挑起了马蜂窝,并与本质主义的东方主义者和伊斯兰主义者以及后殖民学者进行了大胆的斗争,可能没有留下什么内容。然而,库鲁勇敢的智慧实践丰富而细致,用历史的视角分析当代暴力、威权主义和社会经济的不发达。在非马克思主义的意义上,库鲁的研究提供了对穆斯林占多数的国家政治和经济不发达的历史阶级分析。他追溯了宗教、政治、知识和经济阶层之间群体间发展进程的变化(3)。乍一看,库鲁的方法,以及它对阶级关系的长期研究,让读者想起了巴林顿·摩尔(Barrington Moore)的经典比较研究
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Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment: A Global and Historical Comparison
Do not be fooled by the title of Ahmet Kuru’s book, which at first glance may seem to associate Islam with authoritarianism and underdevelopment. The painting on the cover gives the first taste of the work—the Renaissance artist Giorgione’s The Three Philosophers, depicting a Muslim philosopher in between the ancient and Renaissance philosophers. Readers can anticipate a respite from their fatigue over the long-held debate on Islam and democracy, for Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment is a refreshingly pleasant read and a far cry from the repetitive clichés of this controversy. Not only is it painstakingly well-researched, but it is also an engaging and engaged resource that outlines and challenges established theories—all while simultaneously advancing its own. Kuru has an ambitious and admirable aim. He begins with a simple yet bold question: “Why are Muslim-majority countries less peaceful, less democratic, less developed?” (1). Much ink has been spilled on the compatibility of Islam and democracy, and the debate seems to have only been reinvigorated by the failure of this century’s Arab uprisings, not to mention the tide of authoritarianism in their wake. The enormous volume of work in this field testifies to the intellectual relevance of the question. However, the increasing politicization and polarization around the topic have greatly diminished the possibility of a vibrant and factually grounded public debate, making it difficult for readers to navigate and often pushing them deeper into their ideological cocoons. Kuru’s timely book is unsettling across these divides, pushing readers to abandon convenient assumptions andmove beyond their political, ideological, and methodological comfort zones as he stirs the hornet’s nest and picks a daring fight against essentialist Orientalists and Islamists both, and against postcolonial scholars, probably leaving few content. However, Kuru’s valiant intellectual exercise is rich and nuanced, using a historical perspective to analyze contemporary violence, authoritarianism, and socioeconomic underdevelopment. In a non-Marxist sense, Kuru’s research offers a historical class analysis of the political and economic underdevelopment in Muslim-majority countries. He traces the change in the intergroup developmental progress between religious, political, intellectual, and economic classes (3). At first glance, Kuru’s approach, with its longue durée examination of class relations, reminds the reader of Barrington Moore’s canonical comparative study
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