论知识污染:新数据挑战达尔文和华莱士对马修先前发表假说的独立观点

M. Sutton
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引用次数: 1

摘要

帕特里克·马修(Patrick Matthew, 1831年)在此之前发表了完整的自然选择假说,“比”达尔文的《物种起源》早了28年,达尔文和华莱士(Wallace, 1858年)的林奈论文早了27年。在1860年之前没有博物学家读过它的前提下,达尔文和华莱士声称他们独立发现了马修的假设,这一说法已经被科学界所接受。然而,这些主张被接受的中心前提——1858年之前没有博物学家读过马修的观点——是一个已被证明的谬论,因为著名的、极具影响力的博物学家Loudon在1832年评论了马修的书,评论说它似乎对“物种起源”有一些独到的见解。直到现在,伦敦是一位博物学家的事实一直被完全忽视。此外,最近发现,在评论了马修的书之后,他继续编辑了布莱思发表的两篇关于有机进化的极具影响力的论文的杂志。布莱斯是达尔文在这个话题上最多产、最有帮助的通讯员。进一步的新发现表明,除了达尔文和他的同事们熟知的劳登之外,还有另外六位博物学家读过马修的书,并在1858年之前几年引用了它。其中一个叫塞尔比,他和达尔文一起参加了几个科学委员会,是达尔文父亲的朋友。塞尔比继续编辑华莱士那篇著名的沙捞越关于有机进化的论文。另一位是达尔文的通讯记者罗伯特·钱伯斯,他与达尔文见过面,后来写了影响深远的《创世的遗迹》,达尔文和华莱士都承认这对他们的工作产生了影响。因此,在1858年以前,在那些读过马修思想并在文献中对其进行评论的人与达尔文和华莱士之间,确实存在着不可否认的潜在知识转移途径。鉴于达尔文和华莱士都知道的有影响力的博物学家在1858年之前确实读过马修的原始观点,现在需要对发现史上的真实性进行调查,以确定达尔文和华莱士在1860年之前故意抄袭的可能性。在这方面,“知识污染”的概念被提出并呈现在一个三重类型中,即对先前发表的有引用的工作的复制者不断升级的罪责。在这一领域的未来研究应该转向那些被忽视的信件和私人日记档案,这些人是达尔文和华莱士认识的博物学家,他们在1860年之前读过马修的思想。
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On Knowledge Contamination: New Data Challenges Claims of Darwin’s and Wallace’s Independent Conceptions of Matthew’s Prior-Published Hypothesis
Patrick Matthew’s (1831) prior-publication of the complete hypothesis of natural selection “anticipated” Darwin’s Origin of Species by 28 years and Darwin’s and Wallace’s (1858) Linnean papers on the same topic by 27. Founded on the premise that no naturalist read it before 1860, Darwin’s and Wallace’s claims of duel independent discovery of Matthew’s hypothesis have been accepted by the scientific community. However, the central premise upon which those claims have been accepted — that no naturalist read Matthew’s ideas before 1858 — is a proven fallacy, because the famous and hugely influential naturalist Loudon reviewed Matthew’s book in 1832, commenting that it appeared to have something original to say on “the origin of species”. The fact that Loudon was a naturalist has been totally ignored until now. Furthermore, it is newly discovered that after reviewing Matthew’s book he went on to edit the journal that published two of Blyth’s highly influential papers on organic evolution. Blyth was Darwin’s most prolific and helpful correspondent on the topic. Further new discoveries reveal that, besides Loudon, whose work was well known to Darwin and his associates, six other naturalists read Matthew’s book and then cited it years before 1858. One, Selby, sat on several scientific committees with Darwin, and was a friend of his father. Selby went on to edit Wallace’s famous Sarawak paper on organic evolution. Another, Robert Chambers, a correspondent of Darwin, who met with him, went on to write the influential Vestiges of Creation, which both Darwin and Wallace admitted was an influence on their work. Undeniable potential knowledge-transfer routes did exist before 1858, therefore, between those who read Matthew’s ideas and commented upon them in the literature, and Darwin and Wallace. In light of the fact that influential naturalists, known to both Darwin and Wallace, did read Matthew’s original ideas before 1858, veracity in the history of discovery requires now an investigation into the possibility of cryptomnesia or deliberate pre-1860 plagiarism by Darwin and Wallace. In that regard, the notion of “knowledge contamination” is proposed and presented in a three-fold typology of escalating culpability for replicators of prior published work with citation. Future research in this area should turn to the neglected correspondence and private journal archives of those naturalists known to Darwin and Wallace who read Matthew’s ideas before 1860.
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