反叛者和大众:查尔斯·明格斯和异议的商品化

Mark Laver
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While a number of musicologists and sociologists have published compelling work in the last fifteen years debunking this binary, (1) the notion of an opposition between music (jazz particularly) and commerce has proved remarkably durable, both in jazz musicians' own understanding of their relationship to the culture industries and in the way that relationship is represented in the popular media. In some respects, Charles Mingus, the bassist, composer, bandleader, and sometime author, was the equal of Crouch, Baraka, Sales, Porter, Gridley, and other historians in his adamant views that the encroachment of commercial concerns had an enormously deleterious impact on artistic production. Along with Baraka, Mingus was vociferously critical of the destructive impact that the white-controlled culture industries had on the music of black Americans. Over the course of his career, Mingus became famous for his anticommercial rants--both in person and in print. In 1953, for instance, Mingus publicly railed against white promoters who marketed musicians whom he deemed to be artistically deficient: \"impresarios bill these circus artists as jazzmen because 'jazz' has become a commodity to sell, like apples or, more accurately, com\" (quoted in Saul 2001,398). The discursive tension between art and commerce continues to be a defining theme in the popular life of jazz music in our own day. While it is certainly manifest in numerous valences of twentieth- and twenty-first-century jazz discourse--from specialized criticism to the popular press to the public and private discussions of musicians--this tension is seldom articulated more clearly than in television advertising. When corporate marketing departments and advertising agencies enlist the music to help build a brand identity, they inevitably hone in on jazz's long-standing anticommercial status to burnish the commodity with a countercultural veneer. In the late 1990s, for example, Volkswagen was seeking to reconnect with what had become its primary North American demographic: young drivers. In 1997, working with Boston-based advertising agency Arnold Worldwide, the company launched a new campaign based around the slogan \"Drivers Wanted.\" Arnold's chief creative officer Ron Lawner described the character of the brand that the campaign was aiming to develop in an interview with Adweek magazine in 2000. He used humanizing, humorous terms, which recall the Doyle Dane Bembach campaigns of the 1950s and 1960s, as if the Volkswagen brand were an individual Volkswagen driver: \"Approachable, honest, with a sense of humor; the kind of people you like to be around.... They are passionate, they have a lust for living and a lust for driving ... but don't take themselves too seriously\" (Parpis 2000). Based on the extended version of the slogan, the ideal Volkswagen driver is also clearly someone who takes charge, who is in control, and who refuses to bend to social or institutional pressure: \"On the road of life, there are passengers and there are drivers. Drivers wanted.\" In 1999, Arnold produced a series of television ads on the \"Driver's Wanted\" theme that developed this brand personality. In fact, as Adweek writer Eleftheria Parpis explained, the advertisements in the series were not intended to sell cars based on specific technical attributes, per se, but rather to attract consumers by introducing them to the new, distinctive, appealing brand identity. …","PeriodicalId":354930,"journal":{"name":"Black Music Research Journal","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2014-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Rebels and Volkswagens: Charles Mingus and the Commodification of Dissent\",\"authors\":\"Mark Laver\",\"doi\":\"10.5406/BLACMUSIRESEJ.34.2.0201\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"For most of its history, the relationship between jazz and commerce has frequently been characterized as fundamentally oppositional. 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While a number of musicologists and sociologists have published compelling work in the last fifteen years debunking this binary, (1) the notion of an opposition between music (jazz particularly) and commerce has proved remarkably durable, both in jazz musicians' own understanding of their relationship to the culture industries and in the way that relationship is represented in the popular media. In some respects, Charles Mingus, the bassist, composer, bandleader, and sometime author, was the equal of Crouch, Baraka, Sales, Porter, Gridley, and other historians in his adamant views that the encroachment of commercial concerns had an enormously deleterious impact on artistic production. Along with Baraka, Mingus was vociferously critical of the destructive impact that the white-controlled culture industries had on the music of black Americans. Over the course of his career, Mingus became famous for his anticommercial rants--both in person and in print. In 1953, for instance, Mingus publicly railed against white promoters who marketed musicians whom he deemed to be artistically deficient: \\\"impresarios bill these circus artists as jazzmen because 'jazz' has become a commodity to sell, like apples or, more accurately, com\\\" (quoted in Saul 2001,398). The discursive tension between art and commerce continues to be a defining theme in the popular life of jazz music in our own day. While it is certainly manifest in numerous valences of twentieth- and twenty-first-century jazz discourse--from specialized criticism to the popular press to the public and private discussions of musicians--this tension is seldom articulated more clearly than in television advertising. When corporate marketing departments and advertising agencies enlist the music to help build a brand identity, they inevitably hone in on jazz's long-standing anticommercial status to burnish the commodity with a countercultural veneer. In the late 1990s, for example, Volkswagen was seeking to reconnect with what had become its primary North American demographic: young drivers. In 1997, working with Boston-based advertising agency Arnold Worldwide, the company launched a new campaign based around the slogan \\\"Drivers Wanted.\\\" Arnold's chief creative officer Ron Lawner described the character of the brand that the campaign was aiming to develop in an interview with Adweek magazine in 2000. He used humanizing, humorous terms, which recall the Doyle Dane Bembach campaigns of the 1950s and 1960s, as if the Volkswagen brand were an individual Volkswagen driver: \\\"Approachable, honest, with a sense of humor; the kind of people you like to be around.... They are passionate, they have a lust for living and a lust for driving ... but don't take themselves too seriously\\\" (Parpis 2000). 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引用次数: 0

摘要

在其历史的大部分时间里,爵士乐和商业之间的关系经常被认为是根本对立的。这种立场可以从斯坦利·克劳奇对迈尔斯·戴维斯的尖刻批评中看出,他“对音乐界产生了有害的影响,因为他贪婪地商业化了”(引自波特2002,302);阿米里·巴拉卡(Amiri Baraka)愤怒地描述了美国主流白人(和中产阶级黑人)的“社会平淡”商业审美,这种审美有可能抹去爵士乐的黑人文化根源(Baraka 1963,181);格罗弗·萨莱斯(1984)、刘易斯·波特(1997)和马克·格里德利(2006)等爵士历史学家断言,爵士乐不属于流行音乐的范畴,因此不受市场变迁的影响。尽管在过去的15年里,许多音乐学家和社会学家发表了令人信服的著作,揭穿了这种二元对立,(1)音乐(尤其是爵士乐)和商业之间对立的概念被证明是非常持久的,无论是在爵士音乐家自己对他们与文化工业的关系的理解上,还是在这种关系在大众媒体上的表现方式上。在某些方面,贝斯手、作曲家、乐队指挥、有时也是作家的查尔斯·明格斯(Charles Mingus)与克劳奇、巴拉卡、萨莱斯、波特、格里德利和其他历史学家不相上下,他坚定地认为,商业利益的侵蚀对艺术创作产生了巨大的有害影响。与巴拉卡一样,明格斯强烈批评白人控制的文化产业对美国黑人音乐的破坏性影响。在他的职业生涯中,明格斯因他的反商业言论而闻名——无论是当面还是在报纸上。例如,在1953年,明格斯公开斥责那些推销他认为在艺术上有缺陷的音乐家的白人推广者:“经理们把这些马戏团艺术家称为爵士乐人,因为‘爵士乐’已经成为一种商品,就像苹果一样,或者更准确地说,像网络一样。”(引自Saul 2001,398)。在我们这个时代,艺术与商业之间的话语张力仍然是爵士乐流行生活的一个决定性主题。虽然它确实在20世纪和21世纪爵士乐话语的许多价值中表现出来——从专业批评到大众媒体,再到音乐家的公开和私人讨论——但这种紧张关系很少比电视广告更清楚地表达出来。当企业营销部门和广告公司利用爵士乐来帮助建立品牌形象时,他们不可避免地会利用爵士乐长期以来的反商业地位,给这种商品披上反文化的外衣。例如,在上世纪90年代末,大众汽车(Volkswagen)试图重新与北美的主要消费者群体——年轻司机——建立联系。1997年,该公司与总部位于波士顿的广告公司Arnold Worldwide合作,围绕“招聘司机”的口号发起了一项新活动。阿诺德的首席创意官罗恩·劳纳在2000年接受《广告周刊》采访时描述了该活动旨在发展的品牌特征。他使用了人性化、幽默的词汇,让人想起上世纪五六十年代道尔·戴恩·本巴赫(Doyle Dane benbach)的广告,仿佛大众这个品牌就是一位大众汽车的司机:“平易近人、诚实、有幽默感;你喜欢的那种人....他们充满激情,他们渴望生活,渴望驾驶……但不要太把自己当回事”(Parpis 2000)。根据这一口号的扩展版,理想的大众司机显然也是一个负责任、掌控一切、拒绝屈服于社会或制度压力的人:“在人生的道路上,有乘客,也有司机。司机想要的。”1999年,阿诺德制作了一系列以“司机通缉”为主题的电视广告,发展了这一品牌个性。事实上,正如《广告周刊》撰稿人Eleftheria Parpis所解释的那样,该系列广告本身并不是为了销售基于特定技术属性的汽车,而是为了通过向消费者介绍新的、独特的、吸引人的品牌标识来吸引消费者。…
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Rebels and Volkswagens: Charles Mingus and the Commodification of Dissent
For most of its history, the relationship between jazz and commerce has frequently been characterized as fundamentally oppositional. This stance can be seen in Stanley Crouch's acerbic criticisms of Miles Davis for his "pernicious effect on the music scene since he went rapaciously commercial" (quoted in Porter 2002,302); in Amiri Baraka's furious characterization of the mainstream white (and middle-class black) American commercial aesthetic of "social blandness" that threatened to efface jazz's black cultural roots (Baraka 1963,181); and in the assertions of jazz historians such as Grover Sales (1984), Lewis Porter (1997), and Mark Gridley (2006) that jazz does not belong to the category of popular music and, as such, is not beholden to the vicissitudes of the marketplace. While a number of musicologists and sociologists have published compelling work in the last fifteen years debunking this binary, (1) the notion of an opposition between music (jazz particularly) and commerce has proved remarkably durable, both in jazz musicians' own understanding of their relationship to the culture industries and in the way that relationship is represented in the popular media. In some respects, Charles Mingus, the bassist, composer, bandleader, and sometime author, was the equal of Crouch, Baraka, Sales, Porter, Gridley, and other historians in his adamant views that the encroachment of commercial concerns had an enormously deleterious impact on artistic production. Along with Baraka, Mingus was vociferously critical of the destructive impact that the white-controlled culture industries had on the music of black Americans. Over the course of his career, Mingus became famous for his anticommercial rants--both in person and in print. In 1953, for instance, Mingus publicly railed against white promoters who marketed musicians whom he deemed to be artistically deficient: "impresarios bill these circus artists as jazzmen because 'jazz' has become a commodity to sell, like apples or, more accurately, com" (quoted in Saul 2001,398). The discursive tension between art and commerce continues to be a defining theme in the popular life of jazz music in our own day. While it is certainly manifest in numerous valences of twentieth- and twenty-first-century jazz discourse--from specialized criticism to the popular press to the public and private discussions of musicians--this tension is seldom articulated more clearly than in television advertising. When corporate marketing departments and advertising agencies enlist the music to help build a brand identity, they inevitably hone in on jazz's long-standing anticommercial status to burnish the commodity with a countercultural veneer. In the late 1990s, for example, Volkswagen was seeking to reconnect with what had become its primary North American demographic: young drivers. In 1997, working with Boston-based advertising agency Arnold Worldwide, the company launched a new campaign based around the slogan "Drivers Wanted." Arnold's chief creative officer Ron Lawner described the character of the brand that the campaign was aiming to develop in an interview with Adweek magazine in 2000. He used humanizing, humorous terms, which recall the Doyle Dane Bembach campaigns of the 1950s and 1960s, as if the Volkswagen brand were an individual Volkswagen driver: "Approachable, honest, with a sense of humor; the kind of people you like to be around.... They are passionate, they have a lust for living and a lust for driving ... but don't take themselves too seriously" (Parpis 2000). Based on the extended version of the slogan, the ideal Volkswagen driver is also clearly someone who takes charge, who is in control, and who refuses to bend to social or institutional pressure: "On the road of life, there are passengers and there are drivers. Drivers wanted." In 1999, Arnold produced a series of television ads on the "Driver's Wanted" theme that developed this brand personality. In fact, as Adweek writer Eleftheria Parpis explained, the advertisements in the series were not intended to sell cars based on specific technical attributes, per se, but rather to attract consumers by introducing them to the new, distinctive, appealing brand identity. …
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