美国对古巴的外交政策:历史根源、传统解释和替代观点

R. Rodríguez, Harry R. Targ
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The initial reaction of the US government - with the additional support of the Cuban propertied class - was to gradually apply economic pressure in the form of economic sanctions, political and diplomatic isolation, military threats and covert actions aimed at overthrowing the government.Consequently, the triumph of the Cuban Revolution marked the beginning of a process of profound socio-economic and political transformations representing a clean break with the prevailing social, economic and political patterns in the rest of the Western Hemisphere - a geopolitical space that had been a Monroe Doctrine-inspired US hegemonic domain.The idea of 'revolution' refers, in the case of Cuba, not only to a fundamental transformation of economic and political structures, people's consciousness of their place in society and the values that should determine human behaviour, but also to a projection of Cuba's experience onto the entire Western Hemisphere. 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引用次数: 2

摘要

1959年掌权后,古巴新政府立即采取措施实施“蒙卡达计划”(Moncada program)。这些行动相当于一场强大而迅速的结构转型,开始纳入新的财产和阶级关系。这些行动包括限制私人资本积累的可能性。古巴政府将这些行动视为实现经济主权和社会正义的手段。美国政府最初的反应——在古巴有产阶级的额外支持下——是以经济制裁、政治和外交孤立、军事威胁和旨在推翻政府的秘密行动的形式逐步施加经济压力。因此,古巴革命的胜利标志着一个深刻的社会经济和政治变革进程的开始,代表着与西半球其他地区普遍存在的社会、经济和政治模式的彻底决裂。西半球是一个地缘政治空间,曾经是门罗主义启发的美国霸权领域。就古巴而言,“革命”的概念不仅指经济和政治结构的根本转变、人民对其社会地位的意识和应决定人类行为的价值观,而且还指将古巴的经验投射到整个西半球。在这个意义上,在拉丁美洲没有先例。正如塞缪尔·法伯(Samuel Farber)最近提醒我们的那样,真正的革命“已经在其他地方产生了反响,因为人们相信,除了压迫制度,还有其他选择,另一个世界是可能的”从这个意义上说,古巴革命也是对美国全球霸权的象征性挑战。此外,革命不是一个固定的“东西”,而是一个过程。这意味着结构、行为模式和意识的变化正在随着时间的推移而变化,在革命的情况下,正在走向而不是远离更完整的人类成就。美国等一些国家可能会将各地的革命骚动视为对它们维持现状的承诺的威胁。这一假设支持下文提出的关于美国自建国以来对古巴外交政策根源的论点。这一观点与对美古冲突原因的许多其他解释相矛盾。下面的材料提到了美国对古巴外交政策的各种流行的因果解释。但最后,有人认为,没有一个比假设古巴革命骚动寻求国家实现与美国霸权寻求维持整个西半球现状之间的根本矛盾更有力的解释工具。对美国与古巴历史关系背后原因的相互竞争的解释自19世纪初及以后,美国的政策制定者和学者对美国在西半球的外交政策行为提出了各种解释或理由。这些理由已成为共同政治话语的一部分,特别是在与古巴的关系中。据称,美国的政策基本上是建立在地缘政治、经济利益、意识形态和/或国家安全之上的。地缘政治的理由考虑到古巴的面积和地理位置,自19世纪初以来,美国的扩张主义野心使古巴成为其主要目标。自1803年购买路易斯安那州以来,古巴对美国利益的重要性已成为美国地理和外交的中心话题。它在杰斐逊的“自由帝国”扩张主义思想中占有突出地位。1809年,他写信给麦迪逊:“我要立即在古巴最南端竖立一根柱子,并在那个方向上刻上‘ne + ultra’字样……我们将反对接收古巴,因为我们未来的收购没有任何限制。…
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Us Foreign Policy towards Cuba: Historical Roots, Traditional Explanations and Alternative Perspectives
Immediately after taking power in 1959, the new Cuban government took steps to implement the Moncada Programme.1 Such actions amounted to a strong and swiftstructural transformation that began incorporating new property and class relations. These actions included limiting the possibilities for private capital accumulation. The Cuban government saw these actions as a means to achieve economic sovereignty and social justice. The initial reaction of the US government - with the additional support of the Cuban propertied class - was to gradually apply economic pressure in the form of economic sanctions, political and diplomatic isolation, military threats and covert actions aimed at overthrowing the government.Consequently, the triumph of the Cuban Revolution marked the beginning of a process of profound socio-economic and political transformations representing a clean break with the prevailing social, economic and political patterns in the rest of the Western Hemisphere - a geopolitical space that had been a Monroe Doctrine-inspired US hegemonic domain.The idea of 'revolution' refers, in the case of Cuba, not only to a fundamental transformation of economic and political structures, people's consciousness of their place in society and the values that should determine human behaviour, but also to a projection of Cuba's experience onto the entire Western Hemisphere. In that sense, there had been no precedents in the Latin American context. As Samuel Farber has recently reminded us, authentic revolutions 'have reverberated in other lands as the idea spread that there are alternatives to oppressive systems that another world is possible'.2 In that sense, the Cuban revolution was also a symbolic challenge to global US hegemony.Moreover, revolution is not a fixed 'thing' but a process. This means changes in structures, patterns of behaviour, and consciousness are changing over time and, in the case of revolution, are moving towards, rather than away from, more complete human fulfilment. Some nations, such as the US, might see revolutionary ferment in various places as a threat to their commitment to the maintenance of a status quo. This hypothesis underpins the arguments presented below about the root causes of US foreign policy towards Cuba since the founding of the US itself. This view contradicts many other interpretations of the causes of US/ Cuban conflicts. The materials below refer to a variety of prevailing causal explanations of US foreign policy towards Cuba. But in the end, it is argued that none are as powerful an explanatory tool as that which hypothesises the fundamental contradictions between Cuban revolutionary ferment in search of national realisation and the US hegemonic quest for the maintenance of a status quo throughout the Western Hemisphere.Competing Explanations for the Reasons behind the Historical Relationship between the US and CubaUS policymakers and academics have postulated various explanations or rationales for US foreign policy behaviour in the Western Hemisphere, since the early nineteenth century and beyond. These rationales have become part of common political discourse, especially in relations with Cuba. US policy, it is claimed, has been explained as basically built upon geopolitics, economic interest, ideology and/or national security.The Geopolitical RationaleThe expansionist ambition of the US, given Cuba's size and proximity, has made the latter a prime target, since the early decades of the nineteenth century. The importance of Cuba to the interest of the US has become a central topic of US geography and diplomacy, since the Louisiana Purchase in 1803. It figured prominently in Jefferson's expansionist idea of an 'Empire for Liberty'. In 1809, he wrote to Madison:I would immediately erect a column on the southernmost limit of Cuba and inscribe it ne plus ultra in that direction ... it will be objected to our receiving Cuba that no limit can be drawn to our future acquisitions. …
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