“一个人至少愿意被问到”

IF 0.5 Q3 AREA STUDIES GERMAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI:10.3167/gps.2023.410302
Peter J. Verovšek
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引用次数: 0

摘要

哈贝马斯是战后西德公共知识分子的领军人物,是1989年后反对两德统一的重要人物。虽然他对统一后德国的身份认同、集体记忆、西方取向和经济实力的担忧很重要,但与现有文献相比,我认为哈贝马斯的反对主要是程序性的,重点是总理赫尔穆特·科尔(Helmut Kohl)以行政为主导的统一行政方式的规范性缺陷。在哈贝马斯看来,这一程序缩短了公众舆论和意志形成的民主过程,这是实现人民自决的规范性前提所必需的。在方法论上,我通过阅读哈贝马斯的“简短政治著作”以及他的理论著作,特别是他战后早期对德国宪法理论的阅读,来阐述这一点。除了重新构建关于哈贝马斯反对统一的辩论之外,我还通过展示哈贝马斯的理论著作对当代政治有直接影响来反对现实主义对他作品的批评。
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“One Would at Least Like to Be Asked”
As the leading public intellectual of postwar West Germany, Jürgen Habermas was a prominent opponent of the unification of the two Germanies after 1989. While his fears regarding the identity, collective memory, Western orientation, and economic power of a united Germany are important, in contrast to the existing literature, I argue that Habermas's objections are primarily procedural, focusing on the normative deficiencies in Chancellor Helmut Kohl's executive-led, administrative approach to reunification. In Habermas's eyes this procedure short-circuited the democratic processes of public opinion- and will-formation necessary to fulfill the normative presuppositions of popular self-determination. Methodologically, I make this point by reading Habermas's “short political writings” alongside his theoretical writings, especially his early postwar readings of the German constitutional theory. In addition to reframing the debate over his opposition to unification, I also oppose realist critiques of his work by showing that Habermas's theoretical writings have direct implications for contemporary politics.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.80
自引率
0.00%
发文量
19
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