同伴效应、政治竞争与生态效率:来自中国城市层面数据的证据

IF 1.5 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Spatial Economic Analysis Pub Date : 2023-10-09 DOI:10.1080/17421772.2023.2261464
Xudong Chen, Bihong Huang, Yantuan Yu
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Our empirical evidence presents a ‘U’-shape pattern in the trend of eco-efficiency and identifies two peer effects that work in opposite directions: the incentivising effect arising from higher performing neighbours, and the disincentivising effect when a city outperforms its competitors. Both peer effects lead to convergence in eco-efficiency, and our spatial econometric modeling analysis suggests that the net peer effect is significantly positive. We also find evidence of political competition reducing eco-efficiency, as predicted in the theoretical model. Our findings are robust to alternative measures of eco-efficiency.KEYWORDS: peer effectpolitical competitioneco-efficiencyspatial analysisChinaJEL: C61C67Q56R15 DISCLOSURE STATEMENTNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 This body of research, known as the environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) literature, has been enormously influential. The work by Grossman and Krueger (Citation1995) is widely regarded as one of the earliest attempts at EKC hypotheses. For an extensive overview of theoretical studies and empirical evidence regarding EKC, see Kaika and Zervas (Citation2013).2 The term ‘eco-efficiency’ is a concept and philosophy geared toward sustainability, combining ecological and economic efficiency.3 The pollution haven hypothesis was first developed by Pethig (Citation1976) and McGuire (Citation1982), and later improved by Copeland and Taylor (Citation1994) and Levinson and Taylor (Citation2008), among others.4 For example, in its National 10th Five-Year Plan (2001–05), released in 2001, the central government for the first time added environmental protection and pollution reduction to its list of ‘national strategic goals’, and set a target to reduce pollutant discharges by 10% by the end of 2005. Under the new regulation framework, each province was assigned a specific target, and the provincial government officials were to be evaluated on, among other things, how well these targets were met. However, little improvement in environmental quality has been observed in China based on data between 1998 and 2008, because the pollution mandates imposed by the central government have triggered strategic polluting responses from the provinces (Cai et al., Citation2016).5 For example, one can collect China’s provincial energy intensity data from the National Bureau of Statistics, but information on the country’s urban energy intensity is not consistently reported. China’s urban energy consumption will be overestimated if we multiply provincial energy intensity statistics and prefecture gross domestic product (GDP). To overcome this shortcoming, Huang et al. (Citation2018b) have collected China’s urban energy intensity and estimated primary energy consumption using a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach.6 Economic growth has always been, and will continue to be, of paramount status in China. Friedman (Citation2009) wrote that for Chinese officials trying to move up the system, their success is rewarded in two ways. Formally, annual performance evaluations are tied primarily to GDP growth in each jurisdiction. Informally, local officials personally benefit financially from that growth by ‘investing in or holding positions in key firms, by assigning relatives to management positions, by engaging in plain vanilla corruption, and so on’ (p. 408). This helps justify the observation that economic growth enters twice the public official’s objective function.7 To normalize the outside influence upon each city, the weights matrix is subject to standardization, so that elements in the same row sum to 1. We use this spatial weighting matrix because a city is more likely to compare itself and compete against its peers in the same province.8 The Hausman test suggests we cannot reject the null hypothesis that the average political intensity is exogenous. Besides, we employ the maximum likelihood procedure to estimate the spatial Durbin model so to address the potential endogeneity concern.9 We use data from 2003 to 2015 due to availability of information about public officials in China.10 Since the 1980s, local GDP growth has been employed as the major indicator to evaluate the performance of local government officials (Li & Zhou, Citation2005).11 For two decades, the coastal regions of eastern China were the only beneficiaries of the economic reform starting in 1978, and as a result, the western regions lagged behind severely. Around the turn of the century, Chinese leaders announced a change in the regional development strategy by launching the Great Western Development Strategy. Starting in 2001, the Chinese government has offered preferential policies to the western regions on development of infrastructure, foreign investment, environmental protection, promotion of education, etc.Additional informationFundingThis study was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China [grant number 71903068]. This research was conducted when Dr Bihong Huang was an economist at the Asian Development Bank Institute (ADBI) and was published as ADBI Working Paper No. 1125. 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We also find evidence of political competition reducing eco-efficiency, as predicted in the theoretical model. Our findings are robust to alternative measures of eco-efficiency.KEYWORDS: peer effectpolitical competitioneco-efficiencyspatial analysisChinaJEL: C61C67Q56R15 DISCLOSURE STATEMENTNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 This body of research, known as the environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) literature, has been enormously influential. The work by Grossman and Krueger (Citation1995) is widely regarded as one of the earliest attempts at EKC hypotheses. For an extensive overview of theoretical studies and empirical evidence regarding EKC, see Kaika and Zervas (Citation2013).2 The term ‘eco-efficiency’ is a concept and philosophy geared toward sustainability, combining ecological and economic efficiency.3 The pollution haven hypothesis was first developed by Pethig (Citation1976) and McGuire (Citation1982), and later improved by Copeland and Taylor (Citation1994) and Levinson and Taylor (Citation2008), among others.4 For example, in its National 10th Five-Year Plan (2001–05), released in 2001, the central government for the first time added environmental protection and pollution reduction to its list of ‘national strategic goals’, and set a target to reduce pollutant discharges by 10% by the end of 2005. Under the new regulation framework, each province was assigned a specific target, and the provincial government officials were to be evaluated on, among other things, how well these targets were met. However, little improvement in environmental quality has been observed in China based on data between 1998 and 2008, because the pollution mandates imposed by the central government have triggered strategic polluting responses from the provinces (Cai et al., Citation2016).5 For example, one can collect China’s provincial energy intensity data from the National Bureau of Statistics, but information on the country’s urban energy intensity is not consistently reported. China’s urban energy consumption will be overestimated if we multiply provincial energy intensity statistics and prefecture gross domestic product (GDP). To overcome this shortcoming, Huang et al. (Citation2018b) have collected China’s urban energy intensity and estimated primary energy consumption using a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach.6 Economic growth has always been, and will continue to be, of paramount status in China. Friedman (Citation2009) wrote that for Chinese officials trying to move up the system, their success is rewarded in two ways. Formally, annual performance evaluations are tied primarily to GDP growth in each jurisdiction. Informally, local officials personally benefit financially from that growth by ‘investing in or holding positions in key firms, by assigning relatives to management positions, by engaging in plain vanilla corruption, and so on’ (p. 408). This helps justify the observation that economic growth enters twice the public official’s objective function.7 To normalize the outside influence upon each city, the weights matrix is subject to standardization, so that elements in the same row sum to 1. We use this spatial weighting matrix because a city is more likely to compare itself and compete against its peers in the same province.8 The Hausman test suggests we cannot reject the null hypothesis that the average political intensity is exogenous. Besides, we employ the maximum likelihood procedure to estimate the spatial Durbin model so to address the potential endogeneity concern.9 We use data from 2003 to 2015 due to availability of information about public officials in China.10 Since the 1980s, local GDP growth has been employed as the major indicator to evaluate the performance of local government officials (Li & Zhou, Citation2005).11 For two decades, the coastal regions of eastern China were the only beneficiaries of the economic reform starting in 1978, and as a result, the western regions lagged behind severely. Around the turn of the century, Chinese leaders announced a change in the regional development strategy by launching the Great Western Development Strategy. Starting in 2001, the Chinese government has offered preferential policies to the western regions on development of infrastructure, foreign investment, environmental protection, promotion of education, etc.Additional informationFundingThis study was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China [grant number 71903068]. This research was conducted when Dr Bihong Huang was an economist at the Asian Development Bank Institute (ADBI) and was published as ADBI Working Paper No. 1125. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

摘要本文探讨了政治竞争对生态效率的影响。我们首先建立了一个理论模型,在这个模型中,地方政府官员相互竞争,以最大限度地提高自己的政治得分。我们发现,一旦环境绩效成为地方政府官员年度考核的重要组成部分,生态效率在经历了最初的下降阶段后,最终会上升。生态效率也呈现出一种趋同模式。最后,政治竞争水平与生态效率呈负相关。为了进行实证分析,我们采用数据包络分析(DEA)模型计算了2003 - 2015年中国191个城市的生态效率水平。我们的经验证据显示生态效率的趋势呈“U”形,并确定了两种相反方向的对等效应:表现较好的邻居产生的激励效应,以及表现优于竞争对手的城市产生的抑制效应。两种对等效应均导致生态效率趋同,空间计量模型分析表明,净对等效应显著为正。我们还发现了政治竞争降低生态效率的证据,正如理论模型所预测的那样。我们的研究结果对生态效率的替代措施是强有力的。关键词:同行效应;政治竞争;生态效率;空间分析;注1这一研究体系被称为环境库兹涅茨曲线(EKC)文献,具有巨大的影响力。格罗斯曼和克鲁格(Citation1995)的工作被广泛认为是对EKC假设的最早尝试之一。有关EKC的理论研究和经验证据的广泛概述,请参见Kaika和Zervas (Citation2013)“生态效率”一词是一种旨在可持续发展的概念和理念,将生态效率和经济效率相结合污染港假说首先由Pethig (Citation1976)和McGuire (Citation1982)提出,后来由Copeland和Taylor (Citation1994)和Levinson和Taylor (Citation2008)等人改进例如,在2001年发布的“国家第十个五年计划”(2001 - 2005)中,中央政府首次将环境保护和减少污染列入“国家战略目标”,并提出到2005年底将污染物排放量减少10%的目标。在新的监管框架下,每个省都被分配了一个具体的目标,省政府官员将接受评估,其中包括这些目标的实现情况。然而,根据1998年至2008年的数据,中国的环境质量几乎没有改善,因为中央政府实施的污染命令引发了各省对污染的战略反应(Cai et al., Citation2016)例如,人们可以从国家统计局收集中国各省的能源强度数据,但中国城市的能源强度信息并没有得到一致的报告。如果我们将各省的能源强度统计数据与地州的国内生产总值(GDP)相乘,中国的城市能源消耗将被高估。为了克服这一缺点,Huang等人(Citation2018b)使用自下而上而不是自上而下的方法收集了中国的城市能源强度并估计了一次能源消耗在中国,经济增长一直是、并将继续是最重要的。弗里德曼(Citation2009)写道,对于试图在体系中晋升的中国官员来说,他们的成功有两种回报。形式上,年度绩效评估主要与每个辖区的GDP增长挂钩。非正式地,地方官员个人从这种增长中获得了经济利益,他们“投资或在关键企业中担任要职,任命亲属担任管理职务,参与普通的腐败,等等”(第408页)。这有助于证明经济增长是政府官员目标功能的两倍为了使外部对每个城市的影响归一化,对权重矩阵进行标准化,使同一行中的元素和为1。我们之所以使用这个空间加权矩阵,是因为一个城市更有可能将自己与同一省份的同行进行比较和竞争豪斯曼检验表明,我们不能拒绝平均政治强度是外生的零假设。此外,我们采用最大似然程序来估计空间Durbin模型,以解决潜在的内质性问题由于中国公职人员信息的可获得性,我们使用了2003年至2015年的数据。
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Peer effect, political competition and eco-efficiency: evidence from city-level data in China
ABSTRACTThis study examines the impacts of political competition on eco-efficiency. We first develop a theoretical model in which local government officials compete against each other to maximise their own political score. We find that after an initial stage of decline, eco-efficiency eventually turns upwards, once environmental performance becomes a meaningful component of local government officials’ annual assessment. Eco-efficiency also exhibits a pattern of convergence. Lastly, the level of political competition is found to be negatively correlated with eco-efficiency. For the empirical analysis, we use a data envelopment analysis (DEA) model to compute the eco-efficiency level for 191 Chinese cities from 2003 to 2015. Our empirical evidence presents a ‘U’-shape pattern in the trend of eco-efficiency and identifies two peer effects that work in opposite directions: the incentivising effect arising from higher performing neighbours, and the disincentivising effect when a city outperforms its competitors. Both peer effects lead to convergence in eco-efficiency, and our spatial econometric modeling analysis suggests that the net peer effect is significantly positive. We also find evidence of political competition reducing eco-efficiency, as predicted in the theoretical model. Our findings are robust to alternative measures of eco-efficiency.KEYWORDS: peer effectpolitical competitioneco-efficiencyspatial analysisChinaJEL: C61C67Q56R15 DISCLOSURE STATEMENTNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 This body of research, known as the environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) literature, has been enormously influential. The work by Grossman and Krueger (Citation1995) is widely regarded as one of the earliest attempts at EKC hypotheses. For an extensive overview of theoretical studies and empirical evidence regarding EKC, see Kaika and Zervas (Citation2013).2 The term ‘eco-efficiency’ is a concept and philosophy geared toward sustainability, combining ecological and economic efficiency.3 The pollution haven hypothesis was first developed by Pethig (Citation1976) and McGuire (Citation1982), and later improved by Copeland and Taylor (Citation1994) and Levinson and Taylor (Citation2008), among others.4 For example, in its National 10th Five-Year Plan (2001–05), released in 2001, the central government for the first time added environmental protection and pollution reduction to its list of ‘national strategic goals’, and set a target to reduce pollutant discharges by 10% by the end of 2005. Under the new regulation framework, each province was assigned a specific target, and the provincial government officials were to be evaluated on, among other things, how well these targets were met. However, little improvement in environmental quality has been observed in China based on data between 1998 and 2008, because the pollution mandates imposed by the central government have triggered strategic polluting responses from the provinces (Cai et al., Citation2016).5 For example, one can collect China’s provincial energy intensity data from the National Bureau of Statistics, but information on the country’s urban energy intensity is not consistently reported. China’s urban energy consumption will be overestimated if we multiply provincial energy intensity statistics and prefecture gross domestic product (GDP). To overcome this shortcoming, Huang et al. (Citation2018b) have collected China’s urban energy intensity and estimated primary energy consumption using a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach.6 Economic growth has always been, and will continue to be, of paramount status in China. Friedman (Citation2009) wrote that for Chinese officials trying to move up the system, their success is rewarded in two ways. Formally, annual performance evaluations are tied primarily to GDP growth in each jurisdiction. Informally, local officials personally benefit financially from that growth by ‘investing in or holding positions in key firms, by assigning relatives to management positions, by engaging in plain vanilla corruption, and so on’ (p. 408). This helps justify the observation that economic growth enters twice the public official’s objective function.7 To normalize the outside influence upon each city, the weights matrix is subject to standardization, so that elements in the same row sum to 1. We use this spatial weighting matrix because a city is more likely to compare itself and compete against its peers in the same province.8 The Hausman test suggests we cannot reject the null hypothesis that the average political intensity is exogenous. Besides, we employ the maximum likelihood procedure to estimate the spatial Durbin model so to address the potential endogeneity concern.9 We use data from 2003 to 2015 due to availability of information about public officials in China.10 Since the 1980s, local GDP growth has been employed as the major indicator to evaluate the performance of local government officials (Li & Zhou, Citation2005).11 For two decades, the coastal regions of eastern China were the only beneficiaries of the economic reform starting in 1978, and as a result, the western regions lagged behind severely. Around the turn of the century, Chinese leaders announced a change in the regional development strategy by launching the Great Western Development Strategy. Starting in 2001, the Chinese government has offered preferential policies to the western regions on development of infrastructure, foreign investment, environmental protection, promotion of education, etc.Additional informationFundingThis study was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China [grant number 71903068]. This research was conducted when Dr Bihong Huang was an economist at the Asian Development Bank Institute (ADBI) and was published as ADBI Working Paper No. 1125. The views expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), its Executive Board or IMF management.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
5.40
自引率
21.70%
发文量
33
期刊介绍: Spatial Economic Analysis is a pioneering economics journal dedicated to the development of theory and methods in spatial economics, published by two of the world"s leading learned societies in the analysis of spatial economics, the Regional Studies Association and the British and Irish Section of the Regional Science Association International. A spatial perspective has become increasingly relevant to our understanding of economic phenomena, both on the global scale and at the scale of cities and regions. The growth in international trade, the opening up of emerging markets, the restructuring of the world economy along regional lines, and overall strategic and political significance of globalization, have re-emphasised the importance of geographical analysis.
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