升级遗留的地方。经济和政策挑战的规模和性质。RonMartin, BenGardiner, AndyPike, PeterSunley, PeterTyler, Abingdon, 2021: Routledge, 140页,34.99英镑。ISBN 978‐1‐0322‐4430‐3平装本,978‐1‐0322‐4434‐1电子书。

IF 2 2区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI:10.1111/tesg.12594
Gabriel Camară
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The scientific contribution of the book to the existing literature consists of the research on a relatively new concept, ‘left behind’, this is realized through the complete study of the unequal territorial development in a developed country, including the study of the causes, then of the actual situation (through very relevant comparisons between a global city like London and regions ‘left behind’ in the same country) and the proposal of solutions. This contribution is credible and welcome, given the fact that its authors are world-renowned specialists in the fields of economic geography, urban and regional economics, and regional development, with consistent scientific activity in academia, government and international organizations; as specified in the Acknowledgements section, some of the arguments and findings of the book also draw on the authors' related projects, which increase the scientific and practical value of the book, especially since research in this specific field of ‘left behind’ places/regions is not abundant. Researching these types of places is a never-ending task, and the scope of this book is to understand ‘the economic predicament of “left behind places” and how their weaknesses have been shaped by changes in the national and international economy, deindustrialization and the transition to service-dominated economies’ (p. 5). The research focuses on the economic experiences of different types of ‘left behind places’ in the United Kingdom (UK), but, as the authors specify, many of the findings and arguments are also relevant for other countries. Another particularity is that the key features of urban and regional institutions and policies are reviewed to understand more the persistent geographical economic inequalities in the UK. The audience of the book is not explicitly mentioned, but it can be deduced that it is the UK government (p. 9). Unlike many other books that are edited, this book is authored and this particularity contributes to the homogeneity of its content; this is demonstrated through the rigorous and interesting analysis made through the logical succession of its six chapters, which start with an overview of the field and basic definitions and go through the understanding of the context until the role of policies and the institutions. Given the fact that ‘there is no single, agreed-upon definition of the notion, nor of the criteria that should be used to identify “left behind places”’ (p. 18) and ‘the problem of spatial inequality is complex, compound and multi-scalar’ (p. 20), the authors favour quantitative analysis based on a combination of economic and social indicators, but they warn about it: ‘Combinations of several indicators, particularly at the scale of regions, cities and towns, should in fact be treated with much caution and careful examination’ (p. 19). References to the geographical marginality field (which includes a variety of forms of marginality), and to the subsequent literature on geographical marginality, including the book series ‘Perspectives on Geographical Marginality’, published by Springer starting in 2018, could also have been helpful. Levelling Up Left Behind Places begins with an overview of spatial inequalities in developed countries, especially in the UK, exposed and highlighted by two major shocks ‘that are only supposed to be “once-in-a-century” events’ (p. 12), but that occurred in the space of just over a decade: the global financial crisis of 2007–08 and its associate great recession, and the global COVID-19 pandemic that began in late 2019, and the great economic lockdown this engendered. The impossibility to have unanimous definitions and criteria to identify ‘left behind places’ or marginality in general is also discussed, given the fact that, as Leimbruger already highlighted in one of the first books on geographical marginality, reissued in 2018, ‘the subjective choice of variables influences the result […]. Marginality thus reveals itself as “a relative phenomenon”’ (Leimgruber 2018, p. 50). This statement is confirmed by the authors of this book: ‘Such places could be defined in economic, or social, or health or environmental terms. These different metrics may, or may not, result in the same areas being designated “left behind”’ (p. 18), which should conduct to adaptive and sensitive local policies (p. 7). The process of ‘becoming “left behind”’ is presented in the second chapter: this process appeared due to the rapid progress of technological change together with globalization and the growth of consumer and business services, marked by the 1980s ‘turning point between convergence and divergence’ (p. 31). Chapter 3 examines the change in the spatial distribution of employment growth in this period of transition, the findings suggesting that ‘the most severe cumulative employment failures are in Northern urban areas, and particularly in the large and core cities, as well as former industrial towns’ (p. 54). Chapter 4 addresses the resilience of places, which is ‘of considerable potential importance for understanding the economic growth paths of regions, cities and localities’ (p. 75). The fifth chapter asks uncomfortable questions about why past spatial economic policies have not produced the impacts hoped for, although the UK was ‘a pioneer and influential internationally in leading experiments in spatial policy’ (p. 92). The concluding chapter reveals that the problem of spatial economic inequality is not some recent feature or aberration, but it has antecedents going back much earlier, and one solution is a ‘substantial and meaningful decentralization of powers and resources’ (p. 118). After reading this book, a reasonable question would be if the UK, despite its long experience regarding spatial policy, still has these problems with uneven development, what chances would other countries with much less experience have to solve them? 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The scientific contribution of the book to the existing literature consists of the research on a relatively new concept, ‘left behind’, this is realized through the complete study of the unequal territorial development in a developed country, including the study of the causes, then of the actual situation (through very relevant comparisons between a global city like London and regions ‘left behind’ in the same country) and the proposal of solutions. This contribution is credible and welcome, given the fact that its authors are world-renowned specialists in the fields of economic geography, urban and regional economics, and regional development, with consistent scientific activity in academia, government and international organizations; as specified in the Acknowledgements section, some of the arguments and findings of the book also draw on the authors' related projects, which increase the scientific and practical value of the book, especially since research in this specific field of ‘left behind’ places/regions is not abundant. Researching these types of places is a never-ending task, and the scope of this book is to understand ‘the economic predicament of “left behind places” and how their weaknesses have been shaped by changes in the national and international economy, deindustrialization and the transition to service-dominated economies’ (p. 5). The research focuses on the economic experiences of different types of ‘left behind places’ in the United Kingdom (UK), but, as the authors specify, many of the findings and arguments are also relevant for other countries. Another particularity is that the key features of urban and regional institutions and policies are reviewed to understand more the persistent geographical economic inequalities in the UK. The audience of the book is not explicitly mentioned, but it can be deduced that it is the UK government (p. 9). Unlike many other books that are edited, this book is authored and this particularity contributes to the homogeneity of its content; this is demonstrated through the rigorous and interesting analysis made through the logical succession of its six chapters, which start with an overview of the field and basic definitions and go through the understanding of the context until the role of policies and the institutions. Given the fact that ‘there is no single, agreed-upon definition of the notion, nor of the criteria that should be used to identify “left behind places”’ (p. 18) and ‘the problem of spatial inequality is complex, compound and multi-scalar’ (p. 20), the authors favour quantitative analysis based on a combination of economic and social indicators, but they warn about it: ‘Combinations of several indicators, particularly at the scale of regions, cities and towns, should in fact be treated with much caution and careful examination’ (p. 19). References to the geographical marginality field (which includes a variety of forms of marginality), and to the subsequent literature on geographical marginality, including the book series ‘Perspectives on Geographical Marginality’, published by Springer starting in 2018, could also have been helpful. Levelling Up Left Behind Places begins with an overview of spatial inequalities in developed countries, especially in the UK, exposed and highlighted by two major shocks ‘that are only supposed to be “once-in-a-century” events’ (p. 12), but that occurred in the space of just over a decade: the global financial crisis of 2007–08 and its associate great recession, and the global COVID-19 pandemic that began in late 2019, and the great economic lockdown this engendered. The impossibility to have unanimous definitions and criteria to identify ‘left behind places’ or marginality in general is also discussed, given the fact that, as Leimbruger already highlighted in one of the first books on geographical marginality, reissued in 2018, ‘the subjective choice of variables influences the result […]. Marginality thus reveals itself as “a relative phenomenon”’ (Leimgruber 2018, p. 50). This statement is confirmed by the authors of this book: ‘Such places could be defined in economic, or social, or health or environmental terms. These different metrics may, or may not, result in the same areas being designated “left behind”’ (p. 18), which should conduct to adaptive and sensitive local policies (p. 7). The process of ‘becoming “left behind”’ is presented in the second chapter: this process appeared due to the rapid progress of technological change together with globalization and the growth of consumer and business services, marked by the 1980s ‘turning point between convergence and divergence’ (p. 31). Chapter 3 examines the change in the spatial distribution of employment growth in this period of transition, the findings suggesting that ‘the most severe cumulative employment failures are in Northern urban areas, and particularly in the large and core cities, as well as former industrial towns’ (p. 54). Chapter 4 addresses the resilience of places, which is ‘of considerable potential importance for understanding the economic growth paths of regions, cities and localities’ (p. 75). The fifth chapter asks uncomfortable questions about why past spatial economic policies have not produced the impacts hoped for, although the UK was ‘a pioneer and influential internationally in leading experiments in spatial policy’ (p. 92). The concluding chapter reveals that the problem of spatial economic inequality is not some recent feature or aberration, but it has antecedents going back much earlier, and one solution is a ‘substantial and meaningful decentralization of powers and resources’ (p. 118). After reading this book, a reasonable question would be if the UK, despite its long experience regarding spatial policy, still has these problems with uneven development, what chances would other countries with much less experience have to solve them? 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引用次数: 0

摘要

不平等的领土发展是世界上普遍存在的事实,包括在发达国家,甚至在发达国家的发达地区。这些欠发达地区/地区的术语各不相同,其中一个概念是“落后”地区/地区,这是“落后地区升级”的主题;本书是“区域研究政策影响书籍”系列丛书的一部分,由区域研究协会和泰勒&弗朗西斯出版。这本书对现有文献的科学贡献包括对一个相对较新的概念“落后”的研究,这是通过对发达国家不平等领土发展的全面研究来实现的,包括对原因的研究,然后是实际情况(通过对伦敦这样的全球城市和同一国家的“落后”地区进行非常相关的比较),并提出解决方案。鉴于其作者是经济地理学、城市和区域经济学以及区域发展领域的世界知名专家,并在学术界、政府和国际组织中进行了持续的科学活动,这一贡献是可信和受欢迎的;如致谢部分所述,本书的一些论点和发现也借鉴了作者的相关项目,这增加了本书的科学和实用价值,特别是因为在“落后”地区/地区这一特定领域的研究并不丰富。研究这些类型的地方是一项永无止境的任务,本书的范围是理解“‘留守地区’的经济困境,以及它们的弱点是如何被国内和国际经济的变化、去工业化和向服务主导经济的过渡所塑造的”(第5页)。研究重点是英国不同类型的‘留守地区’的经济经验,但是,正如作者所指出的,许多研究结果和论点也适用于其他国家。另一个特点是,城市和区域机构和政策的关键特征进行了审查,以了解更多的持续的地理经济不平等在英国。这本书的读者没有明确提到,但可以推断它是英国政府(第9页)。与许多其他编辑过的书不同,这本书是作者的,这种特殊性有助于其内容的同质性;这是通过其六章的逻辑继承所做的严谨和有趣的分析来证明的,这些章节从该领域的概述和基本定义开始,然后通过对背景的理解,直到政策和制度的作用。鉴于“这个概念没有一个统一的、公认的定义,也没有确定“落后地区”的标准”(第18页)和“空间不平等问题是复杂的、复合的和多标量的”(第20页),作者倾向于基于经济和社会指标组合的定量分析,但他们对此提出了警告:“几个指标的组合,特别是在区域、城市和城镇的规模上,实际上应该非常谨慎地对待和仔细审查”(第19页)。参考地理边缘领域(包括各种形式的边缘),以及随后关于地理边缘的文献,包括Springer从2018年开始出版的《地理边缘透视》系列丛书,也可能有所帮助。《平衡落后地区》一书首先概述了发达国家,特别是英国的空间不平等现象,这些不平等现象被两次重大冲击暴露并突显出来,“这两次重大冲击本应是‘百年一遇’的事件”(第12页),但却发生在短短十多年的时间里:2007-08年的全球金融危机及其相关的大衰退,以及2019年底开始的全球COVID-19大流行,以及由此造成的严重经济封锁。作者还讨论了不可能有一致的定义和标准来识别“被遗忘的地方”或一般的边缘性,因为正如Leimbruger在2018年再版的第一本关于地理边缘性的书中所强调的那样,“变量的主观选择影响结果[…]”。因此,边缘性表现为“一种相对现象”(Leimgruber 2018,第50页)。这一说法得到了本书作者的证实:“这些地方可以用经济、社会、健康或环境的术语来定义。这些不同的衡量标准可能会,也可能不会导致相同的地区被指定为“落后”(第18页),这应该适用于适应性和敏感的地方政策(第7页)。 在第二章中提出了“被抛弃”的过程:这一过程是由于技术变革的快速进步以及全球化和消费者和商业服务的增长而出现的,其标志是20世纪80年代“趋同与分化之间的转折点”(第31页)。第3章考察了这一过渡时期就业增长的空间分布变化,研究结果表明,“最严重的累计就业失败发生在北部城市地区,特别是在大型和核心城市,以及前工业城镇”(第54页)。第4章讨论了地方的复原力,这“对于理解地区、城市和地方的经济增长路径具有相当大的潜在重要性”(第75页)。第五章提出了一些令人不安的问题,即为什么过去的空间经济政策没有产生预期的影响,尽管英国是“在空间政策的领先实验中具有国际影响力的先驱”(第92页)。最后一章揭示了空间经济不平等的问题不是最近的一些特征或失常,但它的先例可以追溯到更早的时候,一个解决方案是“实质性和有意义的权力和资源分散”(第118页)。看完这本书,一个合理的问题是,如果英国在空间政策方面有着悠久的经验,但仍然存在这些发展不平衡的问题,那么其他经验更少的国家有什么机会解决这些问题?这本书的内容是集中的,以一种有利于理解的形式呈现,用方框突出重要的发现和34个相关的彩色数字(英国的图形和地图,例如,劳动生产率,就业,产出和就业的累积差异增长差距之间的关系,等等)。除了英国政府作为本书的主要读者外,本书的内容可能会引起其他读者的兴趣,包括来自其他国家的读者:一般的政策制定者和学者,甚至是普通公众。
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Levelling Up Left Behind Places. The Scale and Nature of the Economic and Policy Challenge. RonMartin, BenGardiner, AndyPike, PeterSunley, PeterTyler, Abingdon, 2021: Routledge, 140 pp., £34.99. ISBN 978‐1‐0322‐4430‐3 paperback, 978‐1‐0322‐4434‐1 ebook.
Unequal territorial development is a fact present everywhere in the world, including in developed countries, and even within developed regions of developed countries. The terminology for such less developed places/regions is varied, one of the concepts used being ‘left behind’ places/regions, which is the subject of Levelling Up Left Behind Places; this book is part of the book series ‘Regional Studies Policy Impact Books’, published by the Regional Studies Association and Taylor & Francis. The scientific contribution of the book to the existing literature consists of the research on a relatively new concept, ‘left behind’, this is realized through the complete study of the unequal territorial development in a developed country, including the study of the causes, then of the actual situation (through very relevant comparisons between a global city like London and regions ‘left behind’ in the same country) and the proposal of solutions. This contribution is credible and welcome, given the fact that its authors are world-renowned specialists in the fields of economic geography, urban and regional economics, and regional development, with consistent scientific activity in academia, government and international organizations; as specified in the Acknowledgements section, some of the arguments and findings of the book also draw on the authors' related projects, which increase the scientific and practical value of the book, especially since research in this specific field of ‘left behind’ places/regions is not abundant. Researching these types of places is a never-ending task, and the scope of this book is to understand ‘the economic predicament of “left behind places” and how their weaknesses have been shaped by changes in the national and international economy, deindustrialization and the transition to service-dominated economies’ (p. 5). The research focuses on the economic experiences of different types of ‘left behind places’ in the United Kingdom (UK), but, as the authors specify, many of the findings and arguments are also relevant for other countries. Another particularity is that the key features of urban and regional institutions and policies are reviewed to understand more the persistent geographical economic inequalities in the UK. The audience of the book is not explicitly mentioned, but it can be deduced that it is the UK government (p. 9). Unlike many other books that are edited, this book is authored and this particularity contributes to the homogeneity of its content; this is demonstrated through the rigorous and interesting analysis made through the logical succession of its six chapters, which start with an overview of the field and basic definitions and go through the understanding of the context until the role of policies and the institutions. Given the fact that ‘there is no single, agreed-upon definition of the notion, nor of the criteria that should be used to identify “left behind places”’ (p. 18) and ‘the problem of spatial inequality is complex, compound and multi-scalar’ (p. 20), the authors favour quantitative analysis based on a combination of economic and social indicators, but they warn about it: ‘Combinations of several indicators, particularly at the scale of regions, cities and towns, should in fact be treated with much caution and careful examination’ (p. 19). References to the geographical marginality field (which includes a variety of forms of marginality), and to the subsequent literature on geographical marginality, including the book series ‘Perspectives on Geographical Marginality’, published by Springer starting in 2018, could also have been helpful. Levelling Up Left Behind Places begins with an overview of spatial inequalities in developed countries, especially in the UK, exposed and highlighted by two major shocks ‘that are only supposed to be “once-in-a-century” events’ (p. 12), but that occurred in the space of just over a decade: the global financial crisis of 2007–08 and its associate great recession, and the global COVID-19 pandemic that began in late 2019, and the great economic lockdown this engendered. The impossibility to have unanimous definitions and criteria to identify ‘left behind places’ or marginality in general is also discussed, given the fact that, as Leimbruger already highlighted in one of the first books on geographical marginality, reissued in 2018, ‘the subjective choice of variables influences the result […]. Marginality thus reveals itself as “a relative phenomenon”’ (Leimgruber 2018, p. 50). This statement is confirmed by the authors of this book: ‘Such places could be defined in economic, or social, or health or environmental terms. These different metrics may, or may not, result in the same areas being designated “left behind”’ (p. 18), which should conduct to adaptive and sensitive local policies (p. 7). The process of ‘becoming “left behind”’ is presented in the second chapter: this process appeared due to the rapid progress of technological change together with globalization and the growth of consumer and business services, marked by the 1980s ‘turning point between convergence and divergence’ (p. 31). Chapter 3 examines the change in the spatial distribution of employment growth in this period of transition, the findings suggesting that ‘the most severe cumulative employment failures are in Northern urban areas, and particularly in the large and core cities, as well as former industrial towns’ (p. 54). Chapter 4 addresses the resilience of places, which is ‘of considerable potential importance for understanding the economic growth paths of regions, cities and localities’ (p. 75). The fifth chapter asks uncomfortable questions about why past spatial economic policies have not produced the impacts hoped for, although the UK was ‘a pioneer and influential internationally in leading experiments in spatial policy’ (p. 92). The concluding chapter reveals that the problem of spatial economic inequality is not some recent feature or aberration, but it has antecedents going back much earlier, and one solution is a ‘substantial and meaningful decentralization of powers and resources’ (p. 118). After reading this book, a reasonable question would be if the UK, despite its long experience regarding spatial policy, still has these problems with uneven development, what chances would other countries with much less experience have to solve them? The content of the book is concentrated and is presented in a form that favours its understanding, with boxes to highlight the important findings and 34 relevant colour figures (graphics and maps of the UK with, for example, labour productivity, employment, the relationship between cumulative differential growth gaps for output and employment, and so on). Besides the British government as the main recipient of the work, the content of the book may be of interest to other audiences, including from other countries: policymakers in general and also academics, and even the general public.
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期刊介绍: The Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie is a leading international journal on contemporary issues in human geography, committed to promoting rigorous academic work on the field. Through its scholarly articles and special "dossiers" on topics of interest, it brings you the latest research findings from Europe and around the world in authoritative scientific contributions. The journal bridges the gap between continental European practices of geography and the Anglo-American traditions by including articles from both regions. The Tijdschrift is a channel for the dissemination of new perspectives, ideas and approaches to the study of human geography.
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