韩国男性青年的自我叙事与精英主义话语

IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Cultural Studies Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI:10.1080/09502386.2023.2261967
Jayoung Park
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In addition, it reconstructs the social conditions that brought up the issue of fairness, investigating how the discourse of fairness emerged and how the significance of ‘fairness’ was shifted and re-conceptualized. Meanwhile, as the idea of meritocracy has become prevalent in society, a critical analysis of it was also conducted from multilateral angles. This article analyzes various aspects of the criticisms of meritocracy, discussing how we should view these criticisms and we can find possibilities to overcome the problematics of meritocracy.KEYWORDS: Meritocracyfairnessjusticethe weak-victim narrativeauthoritarianismSouth Korea Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 For example, see Al-Ghazzi’s article, ‘We will be great again: Historical victimhood in populist discourse’ (Citation2021). Meanwhile, Nancy Fraser pays attention to the harms experienced by the working class, who are leaning toward right-wing populism, and reassigns it as a component of progressive populism. Fraser Citation2019. The old is dying and the new cannot be born. Brooklyn, NY: Verso, 35.2 The Tang Ping (or lying flat) movement went viral when a user named Kind-Hearted Traveller shared a post that said, ‘Lying flat is justice’ on Chinese search engine Baidu’s discussion forum on the Chinese population in April 2021. Tang Ping is an attitude toward life that chooses to lie down with no zeal instead of struggling to meet social expectations. The term was banned in China soon after spreading online. Strictly speaking, lying flat-ism is not a term limited to men, but most memes portray young men lying down, so it can be said that young men represent the vanguard of this movement. 好心的旅行家, 2022. 躺平卽是正義[online]. 白度中國人口吧. available from: https://gnews.org/articles/380156 [Accessed 17 November 2022]3 Korean newsweekly SisaIn and public opinion research firm Hankook Research conducted an in-depth survey of 1,000 Korean adult men and women aged 19 or older on the topic of the ‘men in 20s phenomenon’ from March 20 to 22, 2019. The large-scale web-based survey with a total of 208 questions found that the attitudes of Korean men in their 20s were peculiar, distinguished from those of any other generation and gender group. The survey findings created immense social reverberations, as they were reported through news outlets. Later, the findings were published as a book with original data: Cheon and Jeong Citation2019, Men in 20s: Birth of the self-awareness of a male minority (‘20대 남자: 남성 마이너리티’ 자의식의 탄생). Seoul: SisaIN Book4 To the first statement, ‘gender discrimination against men is more severe,’ 38.6% of women in their 20s, 35.7% of men in their 30s and older, and 22.8% of women in their 30s and older answered that it is more severe. To the second statement, ‘law enforcement is unfavourable to men,’ 11% of women in their 20s, 26.7% of men in their 30s and older, and 5.7% of women in their 30s and older agreed with the statement. Ibid., 20, 32.5 Regarding the difference in professional skills at work between men and women, of men in their 20s, 5.1% said that in general, women are competent; 43.8% said that in general, men are competent; and 44.8% said that there is no significant difference between men and women. Regarding social skills at work, within the same demographic, 6.8% found that in general, women are competent; 41.9% found there is no significant difference between men; and 48% found in general men are competent. Ibid., 41, 42.6 The aforementioned poll’s other questions highlight the unique perspectives of young South Korean men. For example, 75.9% of men in their 20s believed that the Korean government is doing a poor job when it comes to its gender equality policy, while 53.6% believed that law enforcement is unfavourable to men in South Korea. Cheon, Gwan-yul & Jeong, Han-wool, Ibid., 38, 32.7 Among men in their 30s and above, 7.7% showed a strongly negative reaction to feminism-related statements, 18.2% lower than the 25.9% of men in their 20s. Ibid., 66.8 With the statement, ‘men are more competent in professional skills at work,’ 12% of women in their 20s and 45.6% of men in their 30s and above agreed. 88% of women in their 20s and 74.6% of men in their 30s and above agreed with the statement, ‘In a fair society, income between men and women is similar.’ (Ibid.. 95. 89.) In the meantime, of the 25.9% male demographic at issue, 95.7% disagreed with the statement, ‘In Korea, women earn less than men due to gender discrimination.’ In contrast, 14.6% and 73.2% of women in their 20s disagreed and agreed with the statement, respectively, and 12.2% said they did not know. The proportion for men in their 30s and older was 51.2%, 43.8% and 3%, respectively. Even among men, the percentage of the respondents who disagreed with the statement was about twice higher among the 25.9% group than that of men in their 30s or older.9 Baek Seung-wook used the expression ‘punishment with a borrowed knife’ to give an account of the result of the last presidential election. Baek Citation2022, Misunderstanding of the candlelight movement, punishment with a borrowed knife, and the question of liberalism (촛불의 오해, 차도응징 그리고 자유주의라는 질문). Hwanghae Review, 115, Saeul Foundation of Culture.10 It is important that conservative forces controlled the signifying of the fairness even though it is an empty slogan. This point informs signal of need and direction of reconstruction of the progressive forces.11 Jo Littler closely examined the operation of neoliberal meritocracy through case studies. To understand meritocracy, she used two key formats: social systems and ideological discourse. Littler Citation2017. Against meritocracy: Culture, power and the myths of mobility. London: Routledge.12 This case proves that fairness and meritocratic ideas are not valid among young men only. Although the concept of meritocracy has been highlighted only recently, the mindset behind it has been garnering momentum among South Koreans for a long time. For details, see: Park Citation2021, K-Meritocracy, Idea Books13 One of main reasons behind the particular response of young men should be addressed in relation to the Korean military conscription system. This is also a problem to be dealt with along with the reality of the Cold War regime that still exists in Korea in the post-Cold War period. Due to the focus of the discussion, this article mentions it briefly. For the more detailed discussion, see: Choo Citation2020. The Spread of Feminism and the Silence of Gendered Militarism in the Neoliberal Era: Controversy over Military Conscription Among. Journal of Asian Sociology. 49(4).14 Some findings of the 2019 research ‘Survey on public perception of society, politics and gender (국민의 사회, 정치 및 젠더의식조사)’ are covered in the following report: Ma et al. Citation2020. Gender analysis of gender conflict within the younger generation and policy recommendations for an inclusive state (청년관점의 ‘젠더갈등’: 진단과 포용국가를 위한 정책적 대응 방안 연구). Korean Women’s Development Institute. 68, 130.15 Sociologist Kim Dong-choon defines the widespread idea among Koreans that tests are the only measure for one’s capability as ‘test meritocracy.’ In the following book, he critically analyzes the generalized belief among Koreans that it is not only fair but also just to grade rewards based on test results. Kim Citation2022. Test Meritocracy: How Korea’s unique form of meritocracy deepens inequality (시험능력주의: 한국형 능력주의는 어떻게 불평등을 강화하는가), Changbi Publishers.16 \"It could be a trauma\", three Yonsei University students file a lawsuit at gathering of cleaning workers, In: JTBC Newsroom, TV, JTBC, June 29 2022, Available from: https://youtu.be/J316StMXYCE [Accessed 01 Dec 2022].17 Those who imagine being disenfranchised in this process reposition themselves as the weak and the oppressed and occupy a sign of fairness.18 Cho Citation2022, Meritocracy, Breaking away from the paradoxical way of the word and discourses (능력주의, 말과 담론이 걸은 역설의 길을 벗어나기), Critical Review of History, 140.19 Ibid., 9, 24-25.20 Controversy over fairness reignited as the actual transition process began in 2020, three years after the plan was announced. Those who imagine being disenfranchised in this process reposition themselves to the weak and the oppressed and occupy a sign of fairness.21 This view can be referred to as ‘ideal meritocracy.’ Many criticisms of meritocracy in Korea, such as a study by Jeong (Citation2021) take this position. Michael Sandel’s related book, a bestseller in South Korea, also adopts a similar stance: He criticizes meritocracy but does not examine fundamental structural inequality. Sandel Citation2020. The tyranny of merit. Farrar, Straus and Giroux.22 Park, Kwon-il, Ibid., 8-9, 20.23 Park Citation2020. Four questions to dissect meritocracy (능력주의 해부를 위한 네 가지 질문). In: Park, Kwon-il, et al. Meritocracy and Inequality, Education Community But.24 For example, Markovits argues in his research that meritocracy is a mechanism that creates inequality and a new aristocratic system that perpetuates a class structure. Markovits Citation2019. The Meritocracy Trap. N.Y.: Penguin books.25 Kim Citation2020. Social theory of meritocracy: An attempt at explanation (메리토크라시의 사회이론: 하나의 설명 시도), Economy and Society. 125, 231-232.26 Ibid., 251.27 We can refer to some suggestions for replacing the discourse of fairness with the theory of justice. Shin Citation2021. Rewriting fairness within the context of a larger justice (더 큰 정의로 공정을 다시 쓴다). Creation and Criticism, 193.Kim Jeong Citation2022, A World after fairness (공정 이후의 세계), Changbi Publisher.","PeriodicalId":47907,"journal":{"name":"Cultural Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Male youth’s self-narrative and the discourse of meritocracy in South Korea\",\"authors\":\"Jayoung Park\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/09502386.2023.2261967\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTIn South Korea, which has seen a drastic power transfer from a progressive to an authoritarian government, a new form of the ‘weak-victim’ narrative has emerged in recent years, and changes and ruptures in the discourse on the weak have occurred. Young men in South Korea claim that they have been excluded from institutions, policies and systems and denied equal opportunities compared to women. It is brought to the fore the discourse of fairness.This article notes that a sense of faith in meritocracy is one of the contributors that generated the discourse of fairness. It examines how seemingly progressive policies conflicted with and were left stranded by the logic of fairness and meritocracy and takes a close look at why this happened. In addition, it reconstructs the social conditions that brought up the issue of fairness, investigating how the discourse of fairness emerged and how the significance of ‘fairness’ was shifted and re-conceptualized. Meanwhile, as the idea of meritocracy has become prevalent in society, a critical analysis of it was also conducted from multilateral angles. This article analyzes various aspects of the criticisms of meritocracy, discussing how we should view these criticisms and we can find possibilities to overcome the problematics of meritocracy.KEYWORDS: Meritocracyfairnessjusticethe weak-victim narrativeauthoritarianismSouth Korea Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 For example, see Al-Ghazzi’s article, ‘We will be great again: Historical victimhood in populist discourse’ (Citation2021). Meanwhile, Nancy Fraser pays attention to the harms experienced by the working class, who are leaning toward right-wing populism, and reassigns it as a component of progressive populism. Fraser Citation2019. The old is dying and the new cannot be born. Brooklyn, NY: Verso, 35.2 The Tang Ping (or lying flat) movement went viral when a user named Kind-Hearted Traveller shared a post that said, ‘Lying flat is justice’ on Chinese search engine Baidu’s discussion forum on the Chinese population in April 2021. Tang Ping is an attitude toward life that chooses to lie down with no zeal instead of struggling to meet social expectations. The term was banned in China soon after spreading online. Strictly speaking, lying flat-ism is not a term limited to men, but most memes portray young men lying down, so it can be said that young men represent the vanguard of this movement. 好心的旅行家, 2022. 躺平卽是正義[online]. 白度中國人口吧. available from: https://gnews.org/articles/380156 [Accessed 17 November 2022]3 Korean newsweekly SisaIn and public opinion research firm Hankook Research conducted an in-depth survey of 1,000 Korean adult men and women aged 19 or older on the topic of the ‘men in 20s phenomenon’ from March 20 to 22, 2019. The large-scale web-based survey with a total of 208 questions found that the attitudes of Korean men in their 20s were peculiar, distinguished from those of any other generation and gender group. The survey findings created immense social reverberations, as they were reported through news outlets. Later, the findings were published as a book with original data: Cheon and Jeong Citation2019, Men in 20s: Birth of the self-awareness of a male minority (‘20대 남자: 남성 마이너리티’ 자의식의 탄생). Seoul: SisaIN Book4 To the first statement, ‘gender discrimination against men is more severe,’ 38.6% of women in their 20s, 35.7% of men in their 30s and older, and 22.8% of women in their 30s and older answered that it is more severe. To the second statement, ‘law enforcement is unfavourable to men,’ 11% of women in their 20s, 26.7% of men in their 30s and older, and 5.7% of women in their 30s and older agreed with the statement. Ibid., 20, 32.5 Regarding the difference in professional skills at work between men and women, of men in their 20s, 5.1% said that in general, women are competent; 43.8% said that in general, men are competent; and 44.8% said that there is no significant difference between men and women. Regarding social skills at work, within the same demographic, 6.8% found that in general, women are competent; 41.9% found there is no significant difference between men; and 48% found in general men are competent. Ibid., 41, 42.6 The aforementioned poll’s other questions highlight the unique perspectives of young South Korean men. For example, 75.9% of men in their 20s believed that the Korean government is doing a poor job when it comes to its gender equality policy, while 53.6% believed that law enforcement is unfavourable to men in South Korea. Cheon, Gwan-yul & Jeong, Han-wool, Ibid., 38, 32.7 Among men in their 30s and above, 7.7% showed a strongly negative reaction to feminism-related statements, 18.2% lower than the 25.9% of men in their 20s. Ibid., 66.8 With the statement, ‘men are more competent in professional skills at work,’ 12% of women in their 20s and 45.6% of men in their 30s and above agreed. 88% of women in their 20s and 74.6% of men in their 30s and above agreed with the statement, ‘In a fair society, income between men and women is similar.’ (Ibid.. 95. 89.) In the meantime, of the 25.9% male demographic at issue, 95.7% disagreed with the statement, ‘In Korea, women earn less than men due to gender discrimination.’ In contrast, 14.6% and 73.2% of women in their 20s disagreed and agreed with the statement, respectively, and 12.2% said they did not know. The proportion for men in their 30s and older was 51.2%, 43.8% and 3%, respectively. Even among men, the percentage of the respondents who disagreed with the statement was about twice higher among the 25.9% group than that of men in their 30s or older.9 Baek Seung-wook used the expression ‘punishment with a borrowed knife’ to give an account of the result of the last presidential election. Baek Citation2022, Misunderstanding of the candlelight movement, punishment with a borrowed knife, and the question of liberalism (촛불의 오해, 차도응징 그리고 자유주의라는 질문). Hwanghae Review, 115, Saeul Foundation of Culture.10 It is important that conservative forces controlled the signifying of the fairness even though it is an empty slogan. This point informs signal of need and direction of reconstruction of the progressive forces.11 Jo Littler closely examined the operation of neoliberal meritocracy through case studies. To understand meritocracy, she used two key formats: social systems and ideological discourse. Littler Citation2017. Against meritocracy: Culture, power and the myths of mobility. London: Routledge.12 This case proves that fairness and meritocratic ideas are not valid among young men only. Although the concept of meritocracy has been highlighted only recently, the mindset behind it has been garnering momentum among South Koreans for a long time. For details, see: Park Citation2021, K-Meritocracy, Idea Books13 One of main reasons behind the particular response of young men should be addressed in relation to the Korean military conscription system. This is also a problem to be dealt with along with the reality of the Cold War regime that still exists in Korea in the post-Cold War period. Due to the focus of the discussion, this article mentions it briefly. For the more detailed discussion, see: Choo Citation2020. The Spread of Feminism and the Silence of Gendered Militarism in the Neoliberal Era: Controversy over Military Conscription Among. Journal of Asian Sociology. 49(4).14 Some findings of the 2019 research ‘Survey on public perception of society, politics and gender (국민의 사회, 정치 및 젠더의식조사)’ are covered in the following report: Ma et al. Citation2020. Gender analysis of gender conflict within the younger generation and policy recommendations for an inclusive state (청년관점의 ‘젠더갈등’: 진단과 포용국가를 위한 정책적 대응 방안 연구). Korean Women’s Development Institute. 68, 130.15 Sociologist Kim Dong-choon defines the widespread idea among Koreans that tests are the only measure for one’s capability as ‘test meritocracy.’ In the following book, he critically analyzes the generalized belief among Koreans that it is not only fair but also just to grade rewards based on test results. Kim Citation2022. Test Meritocracy: How Korea’s unique form of meritocracy deepens inequality (시험능력주의: 한국형 능력주의는 어떻게 불평등을 강화하는가), Changbi Publishers.16 \\\"It could be a trauma\\\", three Yonsei University students file a lawsuit at gathering of cleaning workers, In: JTBC Newsroom, TV, JTBC, June 29 2022, Available from: https://youtu.be/J316StMXYCE [Accessed 01 Dec 2022].17 Those who imagine being disenfranchised in this process reposition themselves as the weak and the oppressed and occupy a sign of fairness.18 Cho Citation2022, Meritocracy, Breaking away from the paradoxical way of the word and discourses (능력주의, 말과 담론이 걸은 역설의 길을 벗어나기), Critical Review of History, 140.19 Ibid., 9, 24-25.20 Controversy over fairness reignited as the actual transition process began in 2020, three years after the plan was announced. Those who imagine being disenfranchised in this process reposition themselves to the weak and the oppressed and occupy a sign of fairness.21 This view can be referred to as ‘ideal meritocracy.’ Many criticisms of meritocracy in Korea, such as a study by Jeong (Citation2021) take this position. Michael Sandel’s related book, a bestseller in South Korea, also adopts a similar stance: He criticizes meritocracy but does not examine fundamental structural inequality. Sandel Citation2020. The tyranny of merit. Farrar, Straus and Giroux.22 Park, Kwon-il, Ibid., 8-9, 20.23 Park Citation2020. Four questions to dissect meritocracy (능력주의 해부를 위한 네 가지 질문). In: Park, Kwon-il, et al. Meritocracy and Inequality, Education Community But.24 For example, Markovits argues in his research that meritocracy is a mechanism that creates inequality and a new aristocratic system that perpetuates a class structure. Markovits Citation2019. The Meritocracy Trap. N.Y.: Penguin books.25 Kim Citation2020. Social theory of meritocracy: An attempt at explanation (메리토크라시의 사회이론: 하나의 설명 시도), Economy and Society. 125, 231-232.26 Ibid., 251.27 We can refer to some suggestions for replacing the discourse of fairness with the theory of justice. Shin Citation2021. Rewriting fairness within the context of a larger justice (더 큰 정의로 공정을 다시 쓴다). 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引用次数: 0

摘要

在韩国,经历了从进步政府到威权政府的剧烈权力转移,近年来出现了一种新形式的“弱者-受害者”叙事,关于弱者的话语发生了变化和断裂。韩国的年轻男性声称,他们被排除在机构、政策和制度之外,被剥夺了与女性平等的机会。关于公平的论述被提上了前台。本文指出,对精英统治的信念是产生公平话语的贡献者之一。它考察了看似进步的政策是如何与公平和精英政治的逻辑相冲突并被其困住的,并仔细研究了这种情况发生的原因。此外,它重构了产生公平问题的社会条件,探讨了公平话语是如何产生的,以及“公平”的意义是如何被转移和重新概念化的。同时,随着精英主义思想在社会上的盛行,也从多方角度对其进行了批判性分析。本文分析了对精英政治的批评的各个方面,讨论了我们应该如何看待这些批评,我们可以找到克服精英政治问题的可能性。关键词:任人唯贤、公平正义、弱势受害者叙事、威权主义韩国披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。注1例如,参见Al-Ghazzi的文章“我们将再次伟大:民粹主义话语中的历史受害者”(Citation2021)。与此同时,南希·弗雷泽关注了倾向于右翼民粹主义的工人阶级所遭受的伤害,并将其重新定位为进步民粹主义的组成部分。弗雷泽Citation2019。旧的在死去,新的不能诞生。2021年4月,一位名为“善良的旅行者”的用户在中国搜索引擎b百度的中国人口论坛上分享了一篇文章,称“平躺是正义”,“平躺运动”迅速传播开来。唐平是一种生活态度,选择毫无热情地躺下,而不是努力满足社会的期望。这个词在网上传播后不久就在中国被禁了。严格来说,躺平主义并不局限于男性,但大多数表情包都描绘了躺下的年轻人,所以可以说,年轻人代表了这一运动的先锋。好心的旅行家, 2022. <s:1> <s:1>在线]。白度中國人口吧. 3韩国新闻周刊《SisaIn》和舆论调查公司Hankook research于2019年3月20日至22日,以“20多岁男性现象”为主题,对1000名19岁以上的韩国成年男女进行了深度调查。这是一项包含208个问题的大规模网络调查,结果显示,韩国20多岁男性的态度与其他年龄层和性别群体不同。调查结果通过新闻媒体报道,引起了巨大的社会反响。后,研究结果与原始数据出版一本书:郑宋Citation2019,男性在20年代:少数男性的自我意识的诞生(“20대남자:남성마이너리티“자의식의탄생)。△SisaIN Book4:对于第一个问题“对男性的性别歧视更严重”,20多岁女性(38.6%)、30多岁以上男性(35.7%)、30多岁以上女性(22.8%)回答“更严重”。对于第二种说法“执法对男性不利”,11%的20多岁女性、26.7%的30多岁及以上男性和5.7%的30多岁及以上女性同意这一说法。关于男女在工作中专业技能的差异,20多岁的男性中,5.1%的人认为女性总体上是称职的;43.8%的人认为男性总体上是有能力的;44.8%的人认为男女之间没有显著差异。关于工作中的社交技能,在同一人口中,6.8%的人认为女性总体上是有能力的;41.9%的人认为男性之间没有显著差异;48%的人认为男性是有能力的。上述民意调查的其他问题突出了韩国年轻男性的独特观点。例如,在20多岁的男性中,75.9%的人认为韩国政府在性别平等政策方面做得很差,而53.6%的人认为韩国的执法对男性不利。千宽烈,郑汉毛,同上,38岁,32.7岁30岁以上男性中,对女权主义相关言论持强烈否定态度的男性占7.7%,比20岁男性的25.9%低18.2%。20多岁的女性中有12%、30多岁及以上的男性中有45.6%认同“男性在工作中更擅长专业技能”这一说法。88%的女性在20多岁和74岁之间。 Social theory of meritocracy: An attempt at explanation251,231 -232.26 Ibid, 251.27 We can refer to some suggestions for replacing the discourse of fairness with the theory of justice。shin citation2021。Rewriting fairness within the context of a larger justice(用更大的定义改写工程)。creation and criticism, 193。Kim Jeong Citation2022, A World after fairness(工程后的世界),Changbi Publisher。
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Male youth’s self-narrative and the discourse of meritocracy in South Korea
ABSTRACTIn South Korea, which has seen a drastic power transfer from a progressive to an authoritarian government, a new form of the ‘weak-victim’ narrative has emerged in recent years, and changes and ruptures in the discourse on the weak have occurred. Young men in South Korea claim that they have been excluded from institutions, policies and systems and denied equal opportunities compared to women. It is brought to the fore the discourse of fairness.This article notes that a sense of faith in meritocracy is one of the contributors that generated the discourse of fairness. It examines how seemingly progressive policies conflicted with and were left stranded by the logic of fairness and meritocracy and takes a close look at why this happened. In addition, it reconstructs the social conditions that brought up the issue of fairness, investigating how the discourse of fairness emerged and how the significance of ‘fairness’ was shifted and re-conceptualized. Meanwhile, as the idea of meritocracy has become prevalent in society, a critical analysis of it was also conducted from multilateral angles. This article analyzes various aspects of the criticisms of meritocracy, discussing how we should view these criticisms and we can find possibilities to overcome the problematics of meritocracy.KEYWORDS: Meritocracyfairnessjusticethe weak-victim narrativeauthoritarianismSouth Korea Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 For example, see Al-Ghazzi’s article, ‘We will be great again: Historical victimhood in populist discourse’ (Citation2021). Meanwhile, Nancy Fraser pays attention to the harms experienced by the working class, who are leaning toward right-wing populism, and reassigns it as a component of progressive populism. Fraser Citation2019. The old is dying and the new cannot be born. Brooklyn, NY: Verso, 35.2 The Tang Ping (or lying flat) movement went viral when a user named Kind-Hearted Traveller shared a post that said, ‘Lying flat is justice’ on Chinese search engine Baidu’s discussion forum on the Chinese population in April 2021. Tang Ping is an attitude toward life that chooses to lie down with no zeal instead of struggling to meet social expectations. The term was banned in China soon after spreading online. Strictly speaking, lying flat-ism is not a term limited to men, but most memes portray young men lying down, so it can be said that young men represent the vanguard of this movement. 好心的旅行家, 2022. 躺平卽是正義[online]. 白度中國人口吧. available from: https://gnews.org/articles/380156 [Accessed 17 November 2022]3 Korean newsweekly SisaIn and public opinion research firm Hankook Research conducted an in-depth survey of 1,000 Korean adult men and women aged 19 or older on the topic of the ‘men in 20s phenomenon’ from March 20 to 22, 2019. The large-scale web-based survey with a total of 208 questions found that the attitudes of Korean men in their 20s were peculiar, distinguished from those of any other generation and gender group. The survey findings created immense social reverberations, as they were reported through news outlets. Later, the findings were published as a book with original data: Cheon and Jeong Citation2019, Men in 20s: Birth of the self-awareness of a male minority (‘20대 남자: 남성 마이너리티’ 자의식의 탄생). Seoul: SisaIN Book4 To the first statement, ‘gender discrimination against men is more severe,’ 38.6% of women in their 20s, 35.7% of men in their 30s and older, and 22.8% of women in their 30s and older answered that it is more severe. To the second statement, ‘law enforcement is unfavourable to men,’ 11% of women in their 20s, 26.7% of men in their 30s and older, and 5.7% of women in their 30s and older agreed with the statement. Ibid., 20, 32.5 Regarding the difference in professional skills at work between men and women, of men in their 20s, 5.1% said that in general, women are competent; 43.8% said that in general, men are competent; and 44.8% said that there is no significant difference between men and women. Regarding social skills at work, within the same demographic, 6.8% found that in general, women are competent; 41.9% found there is no significant difference between men; and 48% found in general men are competent. Ibid., 41, 42.6 The aforementioned poll’s other questions highlight the unique perspectives of young South Korean men. For example, 75.9% of men in their 20s believed that the Korean government is doing a poor job when it comes to its gender equality policy, while 53.6% believed that law enforcement is unfavourable to men in South Korea. Cheon, Gwan-yul & Jeong, Han-wool, Ibid., 38, 32.7 Among men in their 30s and above, 7.7% showed a strongly negative reaction to feminism-related statements, 18.2% lower than the 25.9% of men in their 20s. Ibid., 66.8 With the statement, ‘men are more competent in professional skills at work,’ 12% of women in their 20s and 45.6% of men in their 30s and above agreed. 88% of women in their 20s and 74.6% of men in their 30s and above agreed with the statement, ‘In a fair society, income between men and women is similar.’ (Ibid.. 95. 89.) In the meantime, of the 25.9% male demographic at issue, 95.7% disagreed with the statement, ‘In Korea, women earn less than men due to gender discrimination.’ In contrast, 14.6% and 73.2% of women in their 20s disagreed and agreed with the statement, respectively, and 12.2% said they did not know. The proportion for men in their 30s and older was 51.2%, 43.8% and 3%, respectively. Even among men, the percentage of the respondents who disagreed with the statement was about twice higher among the 25.9% group than that of men in their 30s or older.9 Baek Seung-wook used the expression ‘punishment with a borrowed knife’ to give an account of the result of the last presidential election. Baek Citation2022, Misunderstanding of the candlelight movement, punishment with a borrowed knife, and the question of liberalism (촛불의 오해, 차도응징 그리고 자유주의라는 질문). Hwanghae Review, 115, Saeul Foundation of Culture.10 It is important that conservative forces controlled the signifying of the fairness even though it is an empty slogan. This point informs signal of need and direction of reconstruction of the progressive forces.11 Jo Littler closely examined the operation of neoliberal meritocracy through case studies. To understand meritocracy, she used two key formats: social systems and ideological discourse. Littler Citation2017. Against meritocracy: Culture, power and the myths of mobility. London: Routledge.12 This case proves that fairness and meritocratic ideas are not valid among young men only. Although the concept of meritocracy has been highlighted only recently, the mindset behind it has been garnering momentum among South Koreans for a long time. For details, see: Park Citation2021, K-Meritocracy, Idea Books13 One of main reasons behind the particular response of young men should be addressed in relation to the Korean military conscription system. This is also a problem to be dealt with along with the reality of the Cold War regime that still exists in Korea in the post-Cold War period. Due to the focus of the discussion, this article mentions it briefly. For the more detailed discussion, see: Choo Citation2020. The Spread of Feminism and the Silence of Gendered Militarism in the Neoliberal Era: Controversy over Military Conscription Among. Journal of Asian Sociology. 49(4).14 Some findings of the 2019 research ‘Survey on public perception of society, politics and gender (국민의 사회, 정치 및 젠더의식조사)’ are covered in the following report: Ma et al. Citation2020. Gender analysis of gender conflict within the younger generation and policy recommendations for an inclusive state (청년관점의 ‘젠더갈등’: 진단과 포용국가를 위한 정책적 대응 방안 연구). Korean Women’s Development Institute. 68, 130.15 Sociologist Kim Dong-choon defines the widespread idea among Koreans that tests are the only measure for one’s capability as ‘test meritocracy.’ In the following book, he critically analyzes the generalized belief among Koreans that it is not only fair but also just to grade rewards based on test results. Kim Citation2022. Test Meritocracy: How Korea’s unique form of meritocracy deepens inequality (시험능력주의: 한국형 능력주의는 어떻게 불평등을 강화하는가), Changbi Publishers.16 "It could be a trauma", three Yonsei University students file a lawsuit at gathering of cleaning workers, In: JTBC Newsroom, TV, JTBC, June 29 2022, Available from: https://youtu.be/J316StMXYCE [Accessed 01 Dec 2022].17 Those who imagine being disenfranchised in this process reposition themselves as the weak and the oppressed and occupy a sign of fairness.18 Cho Citation2022, Meritocracy, Breaking away from the paradoxical way of the word and discourses (능력주의, 말과 담론이 걸은 역설의 길을 벗어나기), Critical Review of History, 140.19 Ibid., 9, 24-25.20 Controversy over fairness reignited as the actual transition process began in 2020, three years after the plan was announced. Those who imagine being disenfranchised in this process reposition themselves to the weak and the oppressed and occupy a sign of fairness.21 This view can be referred to as ‘ideal meritocracy.’ Many criticisms of meritocracy in Korea, such as a study by Jeong (Citation2021) take this position. Michael Sandel’s related book, a bestseller in South Korea, also adopts a similar stance: He criticizes meritocracy but does not examine fundamental structural inequality. Sandel Citation2020. The tyranny of merit. Farrar, Straus and Giroux.22 Park, Kwon-il, Ibid., 8-9, 20.23 Park Citation2020. Four questions to dissect meritocracy (능력주의 해부를 위한 네 가지 질문). In: Park, Kwon-il, et al. Meritocracy and Inequality, Education Community But.24 For example, Markovits argues in his research that meritocracy is a mechanism that creates inequality and a new aristocratic system that perpetuates a class structure. Markovits Citation2019. The Meritocracy Trap. N.Y.: Penguin books.25 Kim Citation2020. Social theory of meritocracy: An attempt at explanation (메리토크라시의 사회이론: 하나의 설명 시도), Economy and Society. 125, 231-232.26 Ibid., 251.27 We can refer to some suggestions for replacing the discourse of fairness with the theory of justice. Shin Citation2021. Rewriting fairness within the context of a larger justice (더 큰 정의로 공정을 다시 쓴다). Creation and Criticism, 193.Kim Jeong Citation2022, A World after fairness (공정 이후의 세계), Changbi Publisher.
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来源期刊
Cultural Studies
Cultural Studies Multiple-
CiteScore
3.50
自引率
6.70%
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期刊介绍: Cultural Studies is an international journal which explores the relation between cultural practices, everyday life, material, economic, political, geographical and historical contexts. It fosters more open analytic, critical and political conversations by encouraging people to push the dialogue into fresh, uncharted territory. It also aims to intervene in the processes by which the existing techniques, institutions and structures of power are reproduced, resisted and transformed. Cultural Studies understands the term "culture" inclusively rather than exclusively, and publishes essays which encourage significant intellectual and political experimentation, intervention and dialogue.
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