更少的工作,更多的劳动:奥地利COVID-19大流行期间学校关闭和工作时间

IF 3.3 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Feminist Economics Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI:10.1080/13545701.2023.2251972
Lisa Hanzl, Miriam Rehm
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In contrast, fathers reduced their work hours the least – even less than individuals without children. Finally, there is some evidence that school closures capture policy stringency in high-incidence phases of the COVID-19 pandemic.HIGHLIGHTS In Austria, mothers reduced paid work time more than fathers in response to pandemic school closures.In contrast, fathers reduced their work time even less than individuals without children.School closures thus triggered a gendered labor market response among parents.The additional unpaid care work burden on women is a potential mechanism for these effects.COVID-19 policy responses may have exacerbated existing gender differences in the labor market.KEYWORDS: Work timelabor supplygender inequalityCOVID-19school closuresJEL Codes: C23J16J22 ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWe thank Vera Huwe, Jakob Kapeller, Ulli Lich, Alexander Obermueller, Alyssa Schneebaum and Yana van der Meulen-Rodgers for valuable insights and feedback.Notes1 More than 47 percent of employed women in Austria work part time (Statistik Austria Citation2020).2 Throughout the pandemic, Austria did not issue a work-from-home directive.3 School closures were enacted nationwide throughout 2020 and up to April 2021. Kindergartens are the responsibility of the federal states and therefore their closings were not unified since the beginning of the COVID-19 crisis.4 So far, there is limited data on gender differences.5 See Arbeitsvertragsrechts-Anpassungsgesetz § 18b (https://www.ris.bka.gv.at/NormDokument.wxe?Abfrage=Bundesnormen&Gesetzesnummer=10008872&Paragraf=18b).6 Unfortunately, households cannot be linked and only limited information on partners is available, especially with regard to labor market outcomes.7 At 14, children are considered of age in several respects in Austria, including sexual consent, criminal responsibility, and self-determination in medical, religious, and educational matters.8 We do not control for pre-pandemic work hours in our estimates, although we show the descriptive evidence in Table 1. This is because the question was asked retrospectively when individuals first entered the survey, which implies that the data are likely less reliable over successive waves and that person-level weights are not comparable across waves.9 For the level of monthly average work hours by gender and parental status, see Figure A1 in the Appendix.10 While school summer holidays fall in the months of July and August in Austria (varying by county), winter holidays in December and February, and spring holidays in March or April, these are coded as open here, since these holidays are predictable for parents.11 Since we do not have reliable pre-pandemic information of work time and school closures do not vary regionally in Austria, we are not able to estimate a DiD model.12 See Table A1 in the Appendix for the full results including all control variables.13 We investigate this question by differentiating between school closures for over 14-year-olds in the robustness checks in the following section.14 That every group reduces their working hours less in periods where schools are only closed for older students might be explained by the fact that containment measures were relaxed during these phases.Additional informationNotes on contributorsLisa HanzlLisa Hanzl is a PhD candidate at the Department of Economics at the Free University of Berlin. She earned an MSc from the University of Economics in Vienna and has been part of the graduate school “Political Economy of Inequality” at the Institute for Socioeconomics of the University of Duisburg-Essen.Miriam RehmMiriam Rehm, PhD is Professor of Socioeconomics at the University Duisburg-Essen with a focus on empirical inequality research.","PeriodicalId":47715,"journal":{"name":"Feminist Economics","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"2","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Less Work, More Labor: School Closures and Work Hours During the COVID-19 Pandemic in Austria\",\"authors\":\"Lisa Hanzl, Miriam Rehm\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/13545701.2023.2251972\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTThis article explores the gendered impact of school closures on paid work hours during the COVID-19 pandemic in Austria. 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引用次数: 2

摘要

摘要本文探讨了奥地利新冠肺炎大流行期间学校关闭对带薪工作时间的性别影响。该研究使用了奥地利冠状病毒小组项目(ACPP)的数据,涵盖了2020年3月至2021年4月期间学校普遍关闭的情况,研究了性别和父母身份对工作时间的调整。描述性数据显示工作时间普遍减少,特别是在头几个月。然而,从2020年7月起,当学校关闭时,母亲减少的工作时间比父亲多,而且她们花在照顾孩子上的时间增加了,而父亲则减少了。使用OLS和固定效应模型,该研究证实,母亲在学校关闭期间减少的工作时间比任何其他群体都要多。相比之下,父亲减少工作时间最少——甚至比没有孩子的人还要少。最后,有一些证据表明,在COVID-19大流行的高发阶段,学校关闭反映了政策的严格程度。在奥地利,为应对大流行学校关闭,母亲减少的带薪工作时间比父亲多。相比之下,父亲减少的工作时间甚至比没有孩子的人还要少。因此,学校关闭引发了家长对劳动力市场的性别反应。妇女额外的无偿护理工作负担是造成这些影响的潜在机制。应对COVID-19的政策可能加剧了劳动力市场中现有的性别差异。关键词:工作时间、劳动力供应、性别不平等、covid -19学校停课jel代码:C23J16J22致谢我们感谢Vera Huwe、Jakob Kapeller、Ulli Lich、Alexander Obermueller、Alyssa Schneebaum和Yana van der Meulen-Rodgers提供的宝贵见解和反馈。注1奥地利超过47%的就业妇女从事兼职工作(statistics Austria Citation2020)在整个大流行期间,奥地利没有发布在家工作的指令在2020年至2021年4月期间,全国范围内实施了学校关闭。幼儿园是联邦各州的责任,因此自COVID-19危机开始以来,幼儿园的关闭并没有统一到目前为止,关于性别差异的数据有限7 .见Arbeitsvertragsrechts-Anpassungsgesetz§18b (https://www.ris.bka.gv.at/NormDokument.wxe?Abfrage=Bundesnormen&Gesetzesnummer=10008872&Paragraf=18b).6)不幸的是,家庭无法联系起来,关于合作伙伴的信息有限,特别是关于劳动力市场结果的信息8 .在奥地利,14岁的儿童在若干方面被视为成年,包括性同意、刑事责任以及在医疗、宗教和教育问题上的自决尽管我们在表1中显示了描述性证据,但在我们的估计中没有控制大流行前的工作时间。这是因为当个人第一次进入调查时,这个问题是回顾性的,这意味着数据在连续的波浪中可能不太可靠,而且个人水平的体重在波浪之间不可比较关于按性别和父母身份划分的月平均工作时间水平,见附录中的图A1。在奥地利,学校的暑假在7月和8月(因县而异),寒假在12月和2月,春假在3月或4月,这些都被编码为开放,因为这些假期对父母来说是可以预测的由于我们没有可靠的大流行前工作时间信息,而且奥地利各地区的学校关闭情况也没有差异,因此我们无法估计DiD模型包含所有控制变量的完整结果见附录表A1我们通过在以下部分的稳健性检查中区分14岁以上儿童的学校关闭来调查这个问题在学校只对高年级学生关闭的时期,每个群体减少工作时间的原因可能是这些阶段的遏制措施放松了。作者简介:lisa Hanzl是柏林自由大学经济系的博士候选人。她在维也纳经济大学获得硕士学位,并在杜伊斯堡-埃森大学社会经济研究所的研究生院“不平等的政治经济学”中学习。Miriam Rehm,博士,杜伊斯堡-埃森大学社会经济学教授,专注于实证不平等研究。
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Less Work, More Labor: School Closures and Work Hours During the COVID-19 Pandemic in Austria
ABSTRACTThis article explores the gendered impact of school closures on paid work hours during the COVID-19 pandemic in Austria. Using data from the Austrian Corona Panel Project (ACPP) covering generalized school closures from March 2020 to April 2021, the study examines adjustments in work hours by gender and parental status. The descriptive data show general reductions in work time, especially in the first months. From July 2020 onward, however, mothers reduced work hours more than fathers when schools were closed – and they increased time spent on childcare, while fathers reduced theirs. Using OLS and fixed effects models, the study confirms that mothers reduced their work hours during school closures more than any other group. In contrast, fathers reduced their work hours the least – even less than individuals without children. Finally, there is some evidence that school closures capture policy stringency in high-incidence phases of the COVID-19 pandemic.HIGHLIGHTS In Austria, mothers reduced paid work time more than fathers in response to pandemic school closures.In contrast, fathers reduced their work time even less than individuals without children.School closures thus triggered a gendered labor market response among parents.The additional unpaid care work burden on women is a potential mechanism for these effects.COVID-19 policy responses may have exacerbated existing gender differences in the labor market.KEYWORDS: Work timelabor supplygender inequalityCOVID-19school closuresJEL Codes: C23J16J22 ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWe thank Vera Huwe, Jakob Kapeller, Ulli Lich, Alexander Obermueller, Alyssa Schneebaum and Yana van der Meulen-Rodgers for valuable insights and feedback.Notes1 More than 47 percent of employed women in Austria work part time (Statistik Austria Citation2020).2 Throughout the pandemic, Austria did not issue a work-from-home directive.3 School closures were enacted nationwide throughout 2020 and up to April 2021. Kindergartens are the responsibility of the federal states and therefore their closings were not unified since the beginning of the COVID-19 crisis.4 So far, there is limited data on gender differences.5 See Arbeitsvertragsrechts-Anpassungsgesetz § 18b (https://www.ris.bka.gv.at/NormDokument.wxe?Abfrage=Bundesnormen&Gesetzesnummer=10008872&Paragraf=18b).6 Unfortunately, households cannot be linked and only limited information on partners is available, especially with regard to labor market outcomes.7 At 14, children are considered of age in several respects in Austria, including sexual consent, criminal responsibility, and self-determination in medical, religious, and educational matters.8 We do not control for pre-pandemic work hours in our estimates, although we show the descriptive evidence in Table 1. This is because the question was asked retrospectively when individuals first entered the survey, which implies that the data are likely less reliable over successive waves and that person-level weights are not comparable across waves.9 For the level of monthly average work hours by gender and parental status, see Figure A1 in the Appendix.10 While school summer holidays fall in the months of July and August in Austria (varying by county), winter holidays in December and February, and spring holidays in March or April, these are coded as open here, since these holidays are predictable for parents.11 Since we do not have reliable pre-pandemic information of work time and school closures do not vary regionally in Austria, we are not able to estimate a DiD model.12 See Table A1 in the Appendix for the full results including all control variables.13 We investigate this question by differentiating between school closures for over 14-year-olds in the robustness checks in the following section.14 That every group reduces their working hours less in periods where schools are only closed for older students might be explained by the fact that containment measures were relaxed during these phases.Additional informationNotes on contributorsLisa HanzlLisa Hanzl is a PhD candidate at the Department of Economics at the Free University of Berlin. She earned an MSc from the University of Economics in Vienna and has been part of the graduate school “Political Economy of Inequality” at the Institute for Socioeconomics of the University of Duisburg-Essen.Miriam RehmMiriam Rehm, PhD is Professor of Socioeconomics at the University Duisburg-Essen with a focus on empirical inequality research.
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Feminist Economics
Feminist Economics Multiple-
CiteScore
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期刊介绍: Feminist Economics is a peer-reviewed journal that provides an open forum for dialogue and debate about feminist economic perspectives. By opening new areas of economic inquiry, welcoming diverse voices, and encouraging critical exchanges, the journal enlarges and enriches economic discourse. The goal of Feminist Economics is not just to develop more illuminating theories but to improve the conditions of living for all children, women, and men. Feminist Economics: -Advances feminist inquiry into economic issues affecting the lives of children, women, and men -Examines the relationship between gender and power in the economy and the construction and legitimization of economic knowledge -Extends feminist theoretical, historical, and methodological contributions to economics and the economy -Offers feminist insights into the underlying constructs of the economics discipline and into the historical, political, and cultural context of economic knowledge -Provides a feminist rethinking of theory and policy in diverse fields, including those not directly related to gender -Stimulates discussions among diverse scholars worldwide and from a broad spectrum of intellectual traditions, welcoming cross-disciplinary and cross-country perspectives, especially from countries in the South
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