市场化进程与朝鲜经济现实

IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Asian Studies Review Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI:10.1080/10357823.2023.2255374
Phillip H. Park
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However, a careful review of materials produced inside the DPRK indicates that marketisation started ‘from above’ in the early 1980s, with Kim Il Sung’s directives to assuage the chronic shortages of consumer goods. As such, this article contends that marketisation in the DPRK began and has proceeded in accordance with the State’s control and influence. The country’s complete closure of its borders to prevent COVID-19 in the early 2020s confirmed that markets play only a limited role in DPRK society.KEYWORDS: Marketisation‘Arduous March’jangmadang (quasi-free markets)jonghap (general) marketsnormalisation of productionDemocratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, North Korea)donju (money masters) AcknowledgementsThe author gratefully acknowledges the constructive comments of the anonymous reviewers on an earlier draft of this article.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Numerous allegations exist that the DPRK has violated the economic sanctions imposed upon it. Notwithstanding these allegations, it was reported in December 2022 that only Kwe Kee Seng, a Singaporean businessman, was wanted by the United States on suspicion of sanctions violations. The US accuses him of multiple fuel deliveries to the DPRK, ship-to-ship transfers, and money laundering through front companies (VoA News, Citation2022).2. The Complete Works of Kim Il Sung (CWK, Gimilseongjeonjip) 1–100 contains Kim Il Sung’s words and deeds from October 1926 to July 1994, and The Selected Works of Kim Jong Il (SWK, Gimjeongilseonjip) 1–24 contains Kim Jong Il’s words and deeds from 1964 to 2011. Each volume of these Works contains approximately 82,500 words.3. Under the self-supporting accounting system, each enterprise receives, in addition to fixed capital, only a minimum amount of working capital from the government through the central bank. The enterprise is required to meet the various operating expenses during production, such as those incurred for raw materials, wages, and salaries, and depreciation of machinery and equipment on its own with the funds obtained through the sale of its output. Unlike the practice of turning over all the surplus to the State under the previous system, the enterprise may retain part of the surplus under the new system (P. Park, Citation2016, 69).4. Mr X and Mr Y acknowledged that some people played a similar role to donju, but they first heard the name donju after arriving in the Republic of Korea. Mr Z said that a person who buys food or wine for his friends and colleagues was called the donju of the day.5. As mentioned in the preceding footnote, Mr. Z's description of the donju differs from that provided by other informants; he did not acknowledge the presence of 'donju'. It may be because Mr Z lived in the remote city of Hyesan, where jangmadang was the dominant form of informal market.6. Mr Y, whose family includes high-ranking officials of the KWP’s Organisation and Guidance Department, said that donju could not invest in or finance large-scale construction projects and large factories because no one in the DPRK had amassed enough capital to fund massive investments such as the real estate project on Ryemyung Street in Pyongyang. Moreover, large factories tended to be concentrated in the heavy industries sector in order to produce armaments, and only state officials were allowed to be involved in this sector.7. The exact content of the ‘7·1 Measure’ does not appear in the DPRK materials, but it was briefly mentioned as an ‘Economic Improvement Measure’ in ER. RENK, a Japanese NGO, obtained a copy of the booklet explaining some of the '7·1 Measure' content and publicised it in the Mainichi Shimbun in December 2002. The official title was ‘Let us be aware of the national measures that have revised prices and living expenses as a whole and move forward with constructing a strong and prosperous country’ (Gagyeokgwa saenghwalbireul jeonbanjeogeu-ro gaejeonghan gukgajeokjochireul jal algo, gangseongdaegukgeonseoreul himitge apdanggija). A copy of the booklet appears in the appendix of Lim Su Ho’s book (2008).8. Outside the DPRK, the CCY is available only up to the 2018 version.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the 2022 Kyungnam University Foundation Grant [N.A].","PeriodicalId":46499,"journal":{"name":"Asian Studies Review","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Process of Marketisation and Economic Realities in the DPRK\",\"authors\":\"Phillip H. 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However, a careful review of materials produced inside the DPRK indicates that marketisation started ‘from above’ in the early 1980s, with Kim Il Sung’s directives to assuage the chronic shortages of consumer goods. As such, this article contends that marketisation in the DPRK began and has proceeded in accordance with the State’s control and influence. The country’s complete closure of its borders to prevent COVID-19 in the early 2020s confirmed that markets play only a limited role in DPRK society.KEYWORDS: Marketisation‘Arduous March’jangmadang (quasi-free markets)jonghap (general) marketsnormalisation of productionDemocratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, North Korea)donju (money masters) AcknowledgementsThe author gratefully acknowledges the constructive comments of the anonymous reviewers on an earlier draft of this article.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

摘要本文借鉴朝鲜社会内部的资料,分析了朝鲜市场化的模式和程度。在这种情况下,它创造了一个与大多数传统的朝鲜经济分析不同的点,这些分析优先考虑的是叛逃者的账户。根据这些说法,传统观点认为,准自由市场是普通人为了满足自己的基本需求而创建的。这种观点认为,“自下而上的市场化”始于朝鲜经济赖以生存的苏联解体导致的公共分配制度崩溃。还有人声称,由于经济未能从长期危机中恢复,国家已依赖这些市场。然而,对朝鲜国内生产的材料的仔细审查表明,市场化始于20世纪80年代初,伴随着金日成缓解消费品长期短缺的指示。因此,本文认为,朝鲜民主主义人民共和国的市场化是在国家的控制和影响下开始和发展的。该国在本世纪20年代初为预防COVID-19而完全关闭了边境,这证实了市场在朝鲜社会中发挥的作用有限。关键词:市场化“艰苦的行军”准自由市场“jonghap”一般市场“生产正常化”朝鲜民主主义人民共和国“donju”金钱大师致谢作者感谢匿名审稿人对本文早期草稿的建设性意见。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。有许多指控说,朝鲜民主主义人民共和国违反了对它实施的经济制裁。尽管有这些指控,但据报道,在2022年12月,只有新加坡商人桂基成(Kwe Kee Seng)因涉嫌违反制裁而被美国通缉。美国指控他多次向朝鲜运送燃料,船对船转运,并通过幌子公司洗钱(美国之音,Citation2022)。《金日成全集》(CWK,金日成集)1 ~ 100册收录了金日成1926年10月~ 1994年7月的言行,《金正日全集》(SWK,金日成集)1 ~ 24册收录了金正日1964年~ 2011年的言行。这些作品每卷约有82,500字。在自给会计制度下,除了固定资本外,每个企业只有通过中央银行从政府获得的最低数额的营运资金。企业在生产过程中发生的原材料、工资、薪金、机器设备折旧等各项经营费用,应当由企业以变卖产品所得的资金自行支付。3 .与旧制度下将剩余全部上缴国家的做法不同,新制度下企业可以保留部分剩余(P. Park, Citation2016, 69)。X先生和Y先生承认,有些人扮演着与donju相似的角色,但他们是在抵达韩国后才第一次听到donju这个名字。Z先生说,为他的朋友和同事买食物或酒的人被称为当天的donju。如前一脚注所述,Z先生对东柱的描述不同于其他举报人提供的描述;他不承认“donju”的存在。这可能是因为Z先生住在偏远的惠山市,在那里,集市是非正式市场的主要形式。Y先生的家人包括劳动党组织和指导部的高级官员,他表示,dongju不能投资或资助大型建设项目和大型工厂,因为朝鲜没有人积累足够的资金来资助大规模投资,比如平壤雷明街的房地产项目。此外,为了生产武器,大型工厂往往集中在重工业部门,只有国家官员才被允许参与这一部门。“7.1措施”的具体内容并没有出现在朝鲜的资料中,但在ER中被简单地称为“经济改善措施”。2002年12月,日本民间团体“RENK”获得了解释“7·1措施”部分内容的小册子,并在《每日新闻》上进行了宣传。会议的正式标题是《全面调整物价和生活费用的国家对策,为建设强大繁荣的国家而前进》(《江城大国大义》)。这本小册子的副本出现在林秀浩的书(2008)的附录中。在朝鲜之外,CCY只能使用到2018年的版本。 本研究由2022年庆南大学基金会资助[N.A]支持。
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The Process of Marketisation and Economic Realities in the DPRK
ABSTRACTThis article analyses the pattern and degree of marketisation in the DPRK by drawing on sources from within that society. In doing so it creates a point of departure from most conventional analyses of the DPRK economy, which prioritise defector accounts. The conventional view, informed by these accounts, is that jangmadang (quasi-free markets) have been created by ordinary people to meet their basic needs. In this view, ‘marketisation from below’ started when the Public Distribution System broke down due to the collapse of the Soviet Union, upon which the DPRK economy had depended. It is also claimed that as the economy has failed to recover from its prolonged crisis, the State has become dependent upon these markets. However, a careful review of materials produced inside the DPRK indicates that marketisation started ‘from above’ in the early 1980s, with Kim Il Sung’s directives to assuage the chronic shortages of consumer goods. As such, this article contends that marketisation in the DPRK began and has proceeded in accordance with the State’s control and influence. The country’s complete closure of its borders to prevent COVID-19 in the early 2020s confirmed that markets play only a limited role in DPRK society.KEYWORDS: Marketisation‘Arduous March’jangmadang (quasi-free markets)jonghap (general) marketsnormalisation of productionDemocratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, North Korea)donju (money masters) AcknowledgementsThe author gratefully acknowledges the constructive comments of the anonymous reviewers on an earlier draft of this article.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Numerous allegations exist that the DPRK has violated the economic sanctions imposed upon it. Notwithstanding these allegations, it was reported in December 2022 that only Kwe Kee Seng, a Singaporean businessman, was wanted by the United States on suspicion of sanctions violations. The US accuses him of multiple fuel deliveries to the DPRK, ship-to-ship transfers, and money laundering through front companies (VoA News, Citation2022).2. The Complete Works of Kim Il Sung (CWK, Gimilseongjeonjip) 1–100 contains Kim Il Sung’s words and deeds from October 1926 to July 1994, and The Selected Works of Kim Jong Il (SWK, Gimjeongilseonjip) 1–24 contains Kim Jong Il’s words and deeds from 1964 to 2011. Each volume of these Works contains approximately 82,500 words.3. Under the self-supporting accounting system, each enterprise receives, in addition to fixed capital, only a minimum amount of working capital from the government through the central bank. The enterprise is required to meet the various operating expenses during production, such as those incurred for raw materials, wages, and salaries, and depreciation of machinery and equipment on its own with the funds obtained through the sale of its output. Unlike the practice of turning over all the surplus to the State under the previous system, the enterprise may retain part of the surplus under the new system (P. Park, Citation2016, 69).4. Mr X and Mr Y acknowledged that some people played a similar role to donju, but they first heard the name donju after arriving in the Republic of Korea. Mr Z said that a person who buys food or wine for his friends and colleagues was called the donju of the day.5. As mentioned in the preceding footnote, Mr. Z's description of the donju differs from that provided by other informants; he did not acknowledge the presence of 'donju'. It may be because Mr Z lived in the remote city of Hyesan, where jangmadang was the dominant form of informal market.6. Mr Y, whose family includes high-ranking officials of the KWP’s Organisation and Guidance Department, said that donju could not invest in or finance large-scale construction projects and large factories because no one in the DPRK had amassed enough capital to fund massive investments such as the real estate project on Ryemyung Street in Pyongyang. Moreover, large factories tended to be concentrated in the heavy industries sector in order to produce armaments, and only state officials were allowed to be involved in this sector.7. The exact content of the ‘7·1 Measure’ does not appear in the DPRK materials, but it was briefly mentioned as an ‘Economic Improvement Measure’ in ER. RENK, a Japanese NGO, obtained a copy of the booklet explaining some of the '7·1 Measure' content and publicised it in the Mainichi Shimbun in December 2002. The official title was ‘Let us be aware of the national measures that have revised prices and living expenses as a whole and move forward with constructing a strong and prosperous country’ (Gagyeokgwa saenghwalbireul jeonbanjeogeu-ro gaejeonghan gukgajeokjochireul jal algo, gangseongdaegukgeonseoreul himitge apdanggija). A copy of the booklet appears in the appendix of Lim Su Ho’s book (2008).8. Outside the DPRK, the CCY is available only up to the 2018 version.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the 2022 Kyungnam University Foundation Grant [N.A].
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