促进人类发展的经济和社会政策

IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q3 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Journal of Human Development and Capabilities Pub Date : 2023-10-14 DOI:10.1080/19452829.2023.2252645
Deepak Nayyar, Rajeev Malhotra
{"title":"促进人类发展的经济和社会政策","authors":"Deepak Nayyar, Rajeev Malhotra","doi":"10.1080/19452829.2023.2252645","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTEconomic and social policies of governments could improve or worsen the wellbeing of people, so that their impact on human development could be positive or negative. This article discusses the role, as well as the scope, of public policies for human development in the contemporary developing and industrialised worlds, buffeted by frequent global and local economic crises, including a health pandemic of unprecedented proportions, where mainstream economic policies have often been detrimental, rather than conducive, to advancing human wellbeing. The paper revisits the human development framework and anchors it in an interpretation of the capability approach that helps in delineating economic and social policy pathways to desirable outcomes. It argues that this is essential for an effective operationalisation of the approach to human development. Building on that, it explores the nature of economic and social policies that might constitute an appropriate policy-mix for advancing human development. In doing so, it recognises that, while human development problems in poor and rich countries are similar, the choices, sequencing and prioritisation of policies will inevitably be determined by the country-context and government-objectives. Given the context, it suggests that the framework of SDGs at the national level could enable a focus on human development objectives in the policy design and strategic response of countries.KEYWORDS: Human developmentEconomic policiesSocial policiesMacroeconomic policiesInequalitiesWellbeingSocial opportunitiesSocial protectionHeterodox policesSustainable development goals Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 On average, an individual from the top 10% of the global income distribution earns PPP USD 122,100 per year, whereas an individual from the poorest half of the global income distribution earns PPP USD 3,920 per year (World Inequality Report Citation2022).2 The gap between the average incomes of the richest 10% of countries and the average incomes of the poorest 50 percent of countries dropped from around 50x to a little less than 40x. At the same time, inequalities increased significantly within countries. The gap between the average incomes of the top 10% and the bottom 50% of individuals within countries has almost doubled, from 8.5x to 15x.3 On average, the poorest half of the population owns PPP USD 4, 100 and the top 10% USD 771,300.4 For a discussion on the coronavirus pandemic, and the response of governments, in global perspective, see Nayyar and Thakur (Citation2021). See also, Nayyar (Citation2020).5 A recent Oxfam report indicates that the richest 1% of the world accounted for nearly two-thirds of all new wealth worth US $42 trillion created since 2020. This is almost double the wealth of the bottom 99% of the world’s population. Just as striking, during the past decade, the richest 1% captured around half of all new wealth (Oxfam Citation2023).6 Of course, markets with their thrust on efficiency and innovation may well be important a means to sustain progress once people have attained essential human wellbeing standards, assuming that there are well-functioning markets which are also regulated wherever necessary.7 Martha Nussbaum (Citation1988, Citation1992, Citation1997, Citation2011) has also contributed to the development of the capability approach, although with some difference in emphasis of certain concepts and the objectives addressed.8 The criteria to select a few capabilities to anchor a wellbeing measure and set in motion a process to achieve those capabilities and the functionings that they potentially support is largely a political and a deliberative process for each society. However, certain normative considerations such as those emanating from human rights standards that reflect universal and civilisational values could inform the choices to be made both in respect of the constituent elements of the wellbeing measure and the policies to be pursued for advancing human wellbeing (Malhotra Citation2015, Citation2018).9 This characterisation of the relationship between macroeconomic policies and human development may differ significantly between developing countries and industrialised countries. For a detailed discussion, see Nayyar (Citation2012).10 For a detailed discussion on this set of issues, see Nayyar (Citation2012).11 Indeed, integration of economies into the world financial system has led to significant changes in the nature of, and space for, macro policies, not only in industrialised countries but also in the developing world. It has reduced degrees of freedom in the use of macroeconomic policies, constraining countries in using an autonomous management of demand to maintain levels of output and employment. Expansionary fiscal and monetary policies – large government deficits to stimulate aggregate demand or low interest rates to encourage domestic investment – can no longer be used because of an overwhelming fear that such measures could lead to speculative capital flight and a run on the national currency. In fact, the oversensitivity of international financial markets to inflation means that macroeconomic policies, everywhere, have been reduced to target inflation instead of employment levels or output stability (Nayyar Citation2011, Citation2012).12 To address income and wealth inequality, Atkinson (Citation2015), recommends rethinking policy in five areas: technology, employment, social security, the sharing of capital and taxation, which in light of recent global experience could contribute to human development and may therefore need to be anchored in a macroeconomic policy framework.13 India, among others, has established limited legal guarantees for work, education, information with public authorities, food, housing, certain social transfers (pensions) and health in the first decade of this millennium. Some of these have been expanded and refined in the last few years. India has also created a digital identity instrument Aadhaar for all citizens to bridge a critical gap in the effective delivery of vital public services and curbing leakages from public programmes.14 It is sometimes argued that policies based on creation of legal entitlements are resource intensive, which besides expanding bureaucracy, could undermine fiscal balance and overall macroeconomic environment. This need not be the case if legal entitlements are selectively established, economic incentives for production and improvement in factor productivity are not undermined and government’s financial liabilities expand only with its ability to raise resources. Also, policies that involve resource neutral legal entitlements may help expedite social change.15 For example, this is true of India, with its inherent reliance on vote-bank politics and limitations of the first-past-the-post criterion in multi-cornered electoral contests.16 For an extensive discussion on, and critical evaluation of, the MDGs, see Nayyar (Citation2013b).Additional informationNotes on contributorsDeepak NayyarDeepak Nayyar is Emeritus Professor of Economics at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and an Honorary Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford. He has served as Vice Chancellor, University of Delhi, and Distinguished University Professor of Economics at the New School for Social Research, New York. Earlier, he taught at the University of Oxford, the University of Sussex, and the Indian Institute of Management, Calcutta. He also served as Chief Economic Adviser to the Government of India and Secretary in the Ministry of Finance. He is Chairman of the Board of the Institute of Development Studies, Sussex. His books include the best-selling The Intelligent Person's Guide to Liberalization, Catch Up, and Resurgent Asia.Rajeev MalhotraRajeev Malhotra bridges the world of academics and policy making. As a development economist with over 35 years of experience, he has worked with the Government of India in various capacity and with the United Nations. He has consulted extensively for several international organisations, and national governments in South Asia, Africa and South Pacific Island Countries. Since 2012, he is Professor and Programme Director, Public Policy, at the Jindal School of Government and Public Policy, O.P. Jindal Global University, Sonipat, Delhi NCR, India. He has a PhD in Economics.","PeriodicalId":46538,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Development and Capabilities","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Economic and Social Policies for Human Development\",\"authors\":\"Deepak Nayyar, Rajeev Malhotra\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/19452829.2023.2252645\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTEconomic and social policies of governments could improve or worsen the wellbeing of people, so that their impact on human development could be positive or negative. This article discusses the role, as well as the scope, of public policies for human development in the contemporary developing and industrialised worlds, buffeted by frequent global and local economic crises, including a health pandemic of unprecedented proportions, where mainstream economic policies have often been detrimental, rather than conducive, to advancing human wellbeing. The paper revisits the human development framework and anchors it in an interpretation of the capability approach that helps in delineating economic and social policy pathways to desirable outcomes. It argues that this is essential for an effective operationalisation of the approach to human development. Building on that, it explores the nature of economic and social policies that might constitute an appropriate policy-mix for advancing human development. In doing so, it recognises that, while human development problems in poor and rich countries are similar, the choices, sequencing and prioritisation of policies will inevitably be determined by the country-context and government-objectives. Given the context, it suggests that the framework of SDGs at the national level could enable a focus on human development objectives in the policy design and strategic response of countries.KEYWORDS: Human developmentEconomic policiesSocial policiesMacroeconomic policiesInequalitiesWellbeingSocial opportunitiesSocial protectionHeterodox policesSustainable development goals Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 On average, an individual from the top 10% of the global income distribution earns PPP USD 122,100 per year, whereas an individual from the poorest half of the global income distribution earns PPP USD 3,920 per year (World Inequality Report Citation2022).2 The gap between the average incomes of the richest 10% of countries and the average incomes of the poorest 50 percent of countries dropped from around 50x to a little less than 40x. At the same time, inequalities increased significantly within countries. The gap between the average incomes of the top 10% and the bottom 50% of individuals within countries has almost doubled, from 8.5x to 15x.3 On average, the poorest half of the population owns PPP USD 4, 100 and the top 10% USD 771,300.4 For a discussion on the coronavirus pandemic, and the response of governments, in global perspective, see Nayyar and Thakur (Citation2021). See also, Nayyar (Citation2020).5 A recent Oxfam report indicates that the richest 1% of the world accounted for nearly two-thirds of all new wealth worth US $42 trillion created since 2020. This is almost double the wealth of the bottom 99% of the world’s population. Just as striking, during the past decade, the richest 1% captured around half of all new wealth (Oxfam Citation2023).6 Of course, markets with their thrust on efficiency and innovation may well be important a means to sustain progress once people have attained essential human wellbeing standards, assuming that there are well-functioning markets which are also regulated wherever necessary.7 Martha Nussbaum (Citation1988, Citation1992, Citation1997, Citation2011) has also contributed to the development of the capability approach, although with some difference in emphasis of certain concepts and the objectives addressed.8 The criteria to select a few capabilities to anchor a wellbeing measure and set in motion a process to achieve those capabilities and the functionings that they potentially support is largely a political and a deliberative process for each society. However, certain normative considerations such as those emanating from human rights standards that reflect universal and civilisational values could inform the choices to be made both in respect of the constituent elements of the wellbeing measure and the policies to be pursued for advancing human wellbeing (Malhotra Citation2015, Citation2018).9 This characterisation of the relationship between macroeconomic policies and human development may differ significantly between developing countries and industrialised countries. For a detailed discussion, see Nayyar (Citation2012).10 For a detailed discussion on this set of issues, see Nayyar (Citation2012).11 Indeed, integration of economies into the world financial system has led to significant changes in the nature of, and space for, macro policies, not only in industrialised countries but also in the developing world. It has reduced degrees of freedom in the use of macroeconomic policies, constraining countries in using an autonomous management of demand to maintain levels of output and employment. Expansionary fiscal and monetary policies – large government deficits to stimulate aggregate demand or low interest rates to encourage domestic investment – can no longer be used because of an overwhelming fear that such measures could lead to speculative capital flight and a run on the national currency. In fact, the oversensitivity of international financial markets to inflation means that macroeconomic policies, everywhere, have been reduced to target inflation instead of employment levels or output stability (Nayyar Citation2011, Citation2012).12 To address income and wealth inequality, Atkinson (Citation2015), recommends rethinking policy in five areas: technology, employment, social security, the sharing of capital and taxation, which in light of recent global experience could contribute to human development and may therefore need to be anchored in a macroeconomic policy framework.13 India, among others, has established limited legal guarantees for work, education, information with public authorities, food, housing, certain social transfers (pensions) and health in the first decade of this millennium. Some of these have been expanded and refined in the last few years. India has also created a digital identity instrument Aadhaar for all citizens to bridge a critical gap in the effective delivery of vital public services and curbing leakages from public programmes.14 It is sometimes argued that policies based on creation of legal entitlements are resource intensive, which besides expanding bureaucracy, could undermine fiscal balance and overall macroeconomic environment. This need not be the case if legal entitlements are selectively established, economic incentives for production and improvement in factor productivity are not undermined and government’s financial liabilities expand only with its ability to raise resources. Also, policies that involve resource neutral legal entitlements may help expedite social change.15 For example, this is true of India, with its inherent reliance on vote-bank politics and limitations of the first-past-the-post criterion in multi-cornered electoral contests.16 For an extensive discussion on, and critical evaluation of, the MDGs, see Nayyar (Citation2013b).Additional informationNotes on contributorsDeepak NayyarDeepak Nayyar is Emeritus Professor of Economics at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and an Honorary Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford. He has served as Vice Chancellor, University of Delhi, and Distinguished University Professor of Economics at the New School for Social Research, New York. Earlier, he taught at the University of Oxford, the University of Sussex, and the Indian Institute of Management, Calcutta. He also served as Chief Economic Adviser to the Government of India and Secretary in the Ministry of Finance. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

政府的经济和社会政策可以改善或恶化人们的福祉,因此它们对人类发展的影响可能是积极的,也可能是消极的。本文讨论了当代发展中国家和工业化国家人类发展公共政策的作用和范围,这些国家经常受到全球和地方经济危机的冲击,其中包括前所未有的健康大流行,其中主流经济政策往往不利于而不是有利于促进人类福祉。本文重新审视了人类发展框架,并将其锚定在对能力方法的解释中,这种方法有助于描绘达到理想结果的经济和社会政策途径。它认为,这对于人类发展方法的有效运作至关重要。在此基础上,本报告探讨了可能构成促进人类发展的适当政策组合的经济和社会政策的性质。在这样做的过程中,它认识到,尽管穷国和富国的人类发展问题是相似的,但政策的选择、顺序和优先顺序将不可避免地由国家背景和政府目标决定。在此背景下,报告建议,国家层面的可持续发展目标框架可以使各国在政策设计和战略应对中关注人类发展目标。关键词:人类发展经济政策社会政策宏观经济政策不平等福利社会机会社会保护非正统政策可持续发展目标披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1平均而言,全球收入分配前10%的个人每年的购买力平价为122,100美元,而全球收入分配中最贫穷的一半的个人每年的购买力平价为3,920美元(世界不平等报告引文2022)最富有的10%的国家的平均收入与最贫穷的50%的国家的平均收入之间的差距从50倍左右下降到不到40倍。与此同时,国家内部的不平等现象显著增加。国家内部收入最高的10%和收入最低的50%的个人之间的平均收入差距几乎翻了一番,从8.5倍增加到15.3%平均而言,最贫穷的一半人口拥有购买力平价4100美元,最富有的10%拥有购买力平价771,300美元。4关于冠状病毒大流行和各国政府应对措施的讨论,请参见Nayyar和Thakur (Citation2021)。参见Nayyar (Citation2020)乐施会最近的一份报告显示,自2020年以来,世界上最富有的1%的人创造了近三分之二的新财富,价值42万亿美元。这几乎是世界底层99%人口财富的两倍。同样引人注目的是,在过去十年中,最富有的1%占据了所有新财富的一半左右(乐施会引文2023)当然,一旦人们达到基本的人类福利标准,以效率和创新为动力的市场很可能是维持进步的重要手段,前提是存在运转良好的市场,这些市场也在必要时受到监管Martha Nussbaum (Citation1988, Citation1992, Citation1997, Citation2011)也对能力方法的发展做出了贡献,尽管在某些概念和目标的强调上有所不同对于每个社会来说,选择一些能力来锚定一项福祉衡量标准,并启动实现这些能力和它们可能支持的功能的过程,在很大程度上是一个政治和审议过程。然而,某些规范性的考虑,例如那些来自反映普遍和文明价值观的人权标准的考虑,可以为福利措施的构成要素和为促进人类福祉而采取的政策提供选择(Malhotra Citation2015, Citation2018)宏观经济政策与人类发展之间关系的这种特征在发展中国家和工业化国家之间可能有很大的不同。有关详细讨论,请参见Nayyar (Citation2012)关于这组问题的详细讨论,请参见Nayyar (Citation2012)的确,各经济体与世界金融体系的一体化已导致宏观政策的性质和空间发生重大变化,不仅在工业化国家,而且在发展中世界也是如此。它降低了使用宏观经济政策的自由度,限制了各国自主管理需求以维持产出和就业水平。 扩张性的财政和货币政策——以巨额政府赤字刺激总需求或以低利率鼓励国内投资——不能再使用,因为人们普遍担心,这些措施可能导致投机性资本外逃和本币挤兑。事实上,国际金融市场对通货膨胀的过度敏感意味着,世界各地的宏观经济政策已经降低到目标通货膨胀,而不是就业水平或产出稳定(Nayyar Citation2011, Citation2012)为了解决收入和财富不平等问题,Atkinson (Citation2015)建议在五个领域重新思考政策:技术、就业、社会保障、资本分享和税收,根据最近的全球经验,这些领域可能有助于人类发展,因此可能需要锚定在宏观经济政策框架中除其他外,印度在本千年的第一个十年为工作、教育、与公共当局的信息、食品、住房、某些社会转移(养老金)和保健建立了有限的法律保障。其中一些在过去几年中得到了扩展和完善。印度还为所有公民创建了一个数字身份工具Aadhaar,以弥合有效提供重要公共服务和遏制公共项目泄漏方面的重大差距有时有人认为,以创造合法权利为基础的政策是资源密集型的,除了扩大官僚主义外,还可能破坏财政平衡和总体宏观经济环境。如果有选择地确立法定权利,对生产和提高要素生产率的经济激励不受破坏,政府的金融负债只会随着其筹集资源的能力而扩大,情况就不一定是这样。此外,涉及资源中立的法律权利的政策可能有助于加速社会变革例如,印度的情况就是如此,因为它固有地依赖于选票库政治,而且在多角选举中,得票最多的标准有其局限性关于千年发展目标的广泛讨论和批判性评价,见Nayyar (Citation2013b)。本文作者deepak Nayyar是新德里贾瓦哈拉尔·尼赫鲁大学经济学名誉教授,牛津大学贝利奥尔学院名誉院士。他曾担任德里大学副校长和纽约社会研究新学院杰出大学经济学教授。此前,他曾在牛津大学、苏塞克斯大学和加尔各答印度管理学院任教。他还曾担任印度政府首席经济顾问和财政部秘书。他是苏塞克斯发展研究所董事会主席。他的著作包括畅销书《聪明人的自由化指南》、《追赶》和《复兴的亚洲》。Rajeev Malhotra是学术界和政策制定界的桥梁。作为一名拥有超过35年经验的发展经济学家,他曾以各种身份与印度政府和联合国合作。他曾为多个国际组织以及南亚、非洲和南太平洋岛国的国家政府提供广泛的咨询服务。自2012年起,他担任印度德里NCR索尼帕市O.P.金达尔全球大学金达尔政府与公共政策学院公共政策教授兼项目主任。他有经济学博士学位。
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Economic and Social Policies for Human Development
ABSTRACTEconomic and social policies of governments could improve or worsen the wellbeing of people, so that their impact on human development could be positive or negative. This article discusses the role, as well as the scope, of public policies for human development in the contemporary developing and industrialised worlds, buffeted by frequent global and local economic crises, including a health pandemic of unprecedented proportions, where mainstream economic policies have often been detrimental, rather than conducive, to advancing human wellbeing. The paper revisits the human development framework and anchors it in an interpretation of the capability approach that helps in delineating economic and social policy pathways to desirable outcomes. It argues that this is essential for an effective operationalisation of the approach to human development. Building on that, it explores the nature of economic and social policies that might constitute an appropriate policy-mix for advancing human development. In doing so, it recognises that, while human development problems in poor and rich countries are similar, the choices, sequencing and prioritisation of policies will inevitably be determined by the country-context and government-objectives. Given the context, it suggests that the framework of SDGs at the national level could enable a focus on human development objectives in the policy design and strategic response of countries.KEYWORDS: Human developmentEconomic policiesSocial policiesMacroeconomic policiesInequalitiesWellbeingSocial opportunitiesSocial protectionHeterodox policesSustainable development goals Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 On average, an individual from the top 10% of the global income distribution earns PPP USD 122,100 per year, whereas an individual from the poorest half of the global income distribution earns PPP USD 3,920 per year (World Inequality Report Citation2022).2 The gap between the average incomes of the richest 10% of countries and the average incomes of the poorest 50 percent of countries dropped from around 50x to a little less than 40x. At the same time, inequalities increased significantly within countries. The gap between the average incomes of the top 10% and the bottom 50% of individuals within countries has almost doubled, from 8.5x to 15x.3 On average, the poorest half of the population owns PPP USD 4, 100 and the top 10% USD 771,300.4 For a discussion on the coronavirus pandemic, and the response of governments, in global perspective, see Nayyar and Thakur (Citation2021). See also, Nayyar (Citation2020).5 A recent Oxfam report indicates that the richest 1% of the world accounted for nearly two-thirds of all new wealth worth US $42 trillion created since 2020. This is almost double the wealth of the bottom 99% of the world’s population. Just as striking, during the past decade, the richest 1% captured around half of all new wealth (Oxfam Citation2023).6 Of course, markets with their thrust on efficiency and innovation may well be important a means to sustain progress once people have attained essential human wellbeing standards, assuming that there are well-functioning markets which are also regulated wherever necessary.7 Martha Nussbaum (Citation1988, Citation1992, Citation1997, Citation2011) has also contributed to the development of the capability approach, although with some difference in emphasis of certain concepts and the objectives addressed.8 The criteria to select a few capabilities to anchor a wellbeing measure and set in motion a process to achieve those capabilities and the functionings that they potentially support is largely a political and a deliberative process for each society. However, certain normative considerations such as those emanating from human rights standards that reflect universal and civilisational values could inform the choices to be made both in respect of the constituent elements of the wellbeing measure and the policies to be pursued for advancing human wellbeing (Malhotra Citation2015, Citation2018).9 This characterisation of the relationship between macroeconomic policies and human development may differ significantly between developing countries and industrialised countries. For a detailed discussion, see Nayyar (Citation2012).10 For a detailed discussion on this set of issues, see Nayyar (Citation2012).11 Indeed, integration of economies into the world financial system has led to significant changes in the nature of, and space for, macro policies, not only in industrialised countries but also in the developing world. It has reduced degrees of freedom in the use of macroeconomic policies, constraining countries in using an autonomous management of demand to maintain levels of output and employment. Expansionary fiscal and monetary policies – large government deficits to stimulate aggregate demand or low interest rates to encourage domestic investment – can no longer be used because of an overwhelming fear that such measures could lead to speculative capital flight and a run on the national currency. In fact, the oversensitivity of international financial markets to inflation means that macroeconomic policies, everywhere, have been reduced to target inflation instead of employment levels or output stability (Nayyar Citation2011, Citation2012).12 To address income and wealth inequality, Atkinson (Citation2015), recommends rethinking policy in five areas: technology, employment, social security, the sharing of capital and taxation, which in light of recent global experience could contribute to human development and may therefore need to be anchored in a macroeconomic policy framework.13 India, among others, has established limited legal guarantees for work, education, information with public authorities, food, housing, certain social transfers (pensions) and health in the first decade of this millennium. Some of these have been expanded and refined in the last few years. India has also created a digital identity instrument Aadhaar for all citizens to bridge a critical gap in the effective delivery of vital public services and curbing leakages from public programmes.14 It is sometimes argued that policies based on creation of legal entitlements are resource intensive, which besides expanding bureaucracy, could undermine fiscal balance and overall macroeconomic environment. This need not be the case if legal entitlements are selectively established, economic incentives for production and improvement in factor productivity are not undermined and government’s financial liabilities expand only with its ability to raise resources. Also, policies that involve resource neutral legal entitlements may help expedite social change.15 For example, this is true of India, with its inherent reliance on vote-bank politics and limitations of the first-past-the-post criterion in multi-cornered electoral contests.16 For an extensive discussion on, and critical evaluation of, the MDGs, see Nayyar (Citation2013b).Additional informationNotes on contributorsDeepak NayyarDeepak Nayyar is Emeritus Professor of Economics at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and an Honorary Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford. He has served as Vice Chancellor, University of Delhi, and Distinguished University Professor of Economics at the New School for Social Research, New York. Earlier, he taught at the University of Oxford, the University of Sussex, and the Indian Institute of Management, Calcutta. He also served as Chief Economic Adviser to the Government of India and Secretary in the Ministry of Finance. He is Chairman of the Board of the Institute of Development Studies, Sussex. His books include the best-selling The Intelligent Person's Guide to Liberalization, Catch Up, and Resurgent Asia.Rajeev MalhotraRajeev Malhotra bridges the world of academics and policy making. As a development economist with over 35 years of experience, he has worked with the Government of India in various capacity and with the United Nations. He has consulted extensively for several international organisations, and national governments in South Asia, Africa and South Pacific Island Countries. Since 2012, he is Professor and Programme Director, Public Policy, at the Jindal School of Government and Public Policy, O.P. Jindal Global University, Sonipat, Delhi NCR, India. He has a PhD in Economics.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
3.80
自引率
6.70%
发文量
23
期刊介绍: Journal of Human Development and Capabilities: A Multi-Disciplinary Journal for People-Centered Development is the peer-reviewed journal of the Human Development and Capabilities Association. It was launched in January 2000 to promote new perspectives on challenges of human development, capability expansion, poverty eradication, social justice and human rights. The Journal aims to stimulate innovative development thinking that is based on the premise that development is fundamentally about improving the well-being and agency of people, by expanding the choices and opportunities they have. Accordingly, the Journal recognizes that development is about more than just economic growth and development policy is more than just economic policy: it cuts across economic, social, political and environmental issues. The Journal publishes original work in philosophy, economics, and other social sciences that expand concepts, measurement tools and policy alternatives for human development. It provides a forum for an open exchange of ideas among a broad spectrum of academics, policy makers and development practitioners who are interested in confronting the challenges of human development at global, national and local levels.
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