亚美尼亚共和国非执行总统的作用和权力:从半总统制治理到亚美尼亚议会民主的未完成宪法过渡

Davit Hakobyan
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摘要

随着2015年的宪法改革,亚美尼亚完成了从半总统制到议会民主制的不完全过渡。在第一章中,本文介绍了亚美尼亚总统的宪法角色、职能,以及根据2015年以来实施的宪法架构赋予总统的权力。根据政府的组成、总理的选举和辞职、适用的选举制度、议会解散的适用制度、宪法规定的自治机构(中央银行、中央选举委员会等)的组成,评估赋予总统的宪法地位的适当性以及权力和职责的范围。在政治多数无法获得3/5的选票并选举出政治中立机构成员的僵局情况下给出的解决方案,赋予议会少数的权力,以及政治话语的质量。第二章讨论总统办公室的主要期望是什么,根据亚美尼亚议会民主的性质和已采用的宪法架构,建立非执行总统的目的是什么?第二章考虑到国际理念所提供的准则所确立的模式,并在法律比较研究的基础上,提出应赋予总统什么样的自由裁量权,使其既能担任宪法仲裁者,又能避免成为政治游戏的参与者。
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Role and Powers of the Non-Executive President in the Republic of Armenia: Unfinished Constitutional Transition from a Semi-Presidential System of Governance to the Armenian Parliamentary Democracy
With the constitutional change of 2015, Armenia made an uncomplete transition from the semi-presidential system of governance to parliamentary democracy. Within the first chapter, this article presents the constitutional role, functions of the President of Armenia, and the powers vested in the President in accordance with the constitutional architecture that has been in place since 2015. The adequacy of constitutional status attributed to the President as well as the scope of the powers and duties are assessed given the formation of the Government, election and resignation of the Prime Minister, applicable electoral system, applicable regime of the dissolution of the Parliament, formation of autonomous bodies stipulated by the Constitution (Central Bank, Central Electoral Commission etc.), the given solutions in deadlock situations when the political majority is not able to secure 3/5th of the votes and elect a member of the politically neutral body, the powers given to the parliamentary minority, and the quality of the political discourse. The second chapter discusses what are the main expectations from the President’s office, what is the aim of establishing a non-executive president based on the nature of the Armenian parliamentary democracy and adopted constitutional architecture? Considering the models set out in the guidelines provided by the International IDEA as well as based on the legal comparative research, the second chapter suggests what discretionary powers should be given to the President so that he or she can act as constitutional arbiter but meanwhile prevented from becoming a player in the political game.
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