破产银行:国内冲突对土耳其银行业的影响

IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Terrorism and Political Violence Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI:10.1080/09546553.2023.2252104
Emine Arı, Reşat Bayer, Özge Kemahlıoğlu
{"title":"破产银行:国内冲突对土耳其银行业的影响","authors":"Emine Arı, Reşat Bayer, Özge Kemahlıoğlu","doi":"10.1080/09546553.2023.2252104","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTAlthough banks occupy a central role in most (post-)conflict situations, there is a perplexing lack of attention to them in studies of political violence. As a case experiencing domestic conflict with varying degrees in the last decades, Turkey offers opportunities to understand how the banking sector, including state deposit banks, responds to such political violence. We focus on the short-term impact of political violence and address the following questions: Do all actors in the sector respond in similar ways to security threats? Is there variation according to conflict intensity? We shed light on these puzzles with an analysis of original data on bank ownership, bank branches, bank deposit amounts, and bank credits. We show that banks with profit incentives respond to conflict by lowering their presence in provinces hit by these attacks. In comparison, our finding that deposits in high conflict intensity areas are not affected suggests that it is indeed economic actors outside high intensity regions that are more sensitive to short-time changes in security compared to local ones. Overall, the results demonstrate that political violence hurts banks’ presence in conflict locations and their presence matters through credit provision to these areas.KEYWORDS: Bankingpolitical violencepost-conflict economypublic/private policy and terrorismconflict region Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2023.2252104Notes1. 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The marginal effect of attacks in the conflict-prone region (Southeast = 1) for non-state banks (state = 0) is equal to −0.001 (with a standard error of 0.0005) and for state banks (state = 1) is equal to −0.004 (with a standard error of 0.001). In the rest of the country, the marginal effect of attacks for state banks is estimated as −0.001 (with a standard error of 0.002).92. When Southeast is equal to 1, the marginal effect of attacks is .00002 (s.e. 0.0003).93. The consecutive marginal effects are 0.0001 (s.e. 0006) and 0.005 (s.e. 0.0009).94. Alptekin, “Tracking Terrorism Counter-Terrorism.”95. Kibris, “Geo-Temporal Evolution Violence.”96. Gaibulloev and Younas, “Conflicts Domestic Bank Lending.”97. Daniel Meierrieks and Thomas Gries, “Causality between Terrorism and Economic Growth,” Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 1 (2013): 91–104. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343312445650.98. Bozzoli et al., “Self-Employment Conflict Colombia,” 128.99. 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We use the endog option for the xtivreg2 command Schaffer, Mark E, “XTIVREG2: Stata Module to Perform Extended IV/2SLS, GMM and AC/HAC, LIML and k-Class Regression for Panel Data Models,” Statistical Software Components, 2020. https://ideas.repec.org//c/boc/bocode/s456501.html. written for Stata.105. For state bank deposits in the conflict-prone areas where the test statistic lies at the border with a p value equal to 0.084, province’s share of total defense spending would not work as an instrument since increased deterrence would lead to larger number of personnel who would get their salaries deposited in the state banks.106. Mehmet Gurses, “Environmental Consequences of Civil War: Evidence from the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey,” Civil Wars 14, no. 2 (2012): 254–71. https://doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2012.679495.107. Brück et al., “Business under Fire,” 15.108. Barbara F. Walter, “Why Bad Governance Leads to Repeat Civil War,” The Journal of Conflict Resolution 59, no. 7 (2015): 1242–72.109. Bolanda Hewa Thilakaweera, Charles Harvie, and Amir Arjomandi, “Branch Expansion and Banking Efficiency in Sri Lanka’s Post‐conflict Era,” Journal of Asian Economics 47 (2016): 45–57. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.asieco.2016.09.001.110. Guiso et al., “Social Capital Financial Development.”111. See Tony Addison, Alemayehu Geda, Philippe Le Billon, and S Mansoob Murshed, “Reconstructing and Reforming the Financial System in Conflict and ‘Post-Conflict’ Economies,” The Journal of Development Studies 41, no. 4 (2005): 703–18. https://doi.org/10.1080/00220380500092861.112. Ayşegül Eruygur and Tolga Omay, “Terrorism and the Stock Market: A Case Study for Turkey Using STR Models,” Journal of Reviews on Global Economics 3 (2014): 220–27.Additional informationNotes on contributorsEmine ArıEmine Arı is a Postdoctoral Researcher at Bilkent University. She defended her dissertation on state of emergency and international conflict and cooperation at Koç University in August 2022. Her main research interests are civil conflict, terrorism, and political violence. Her research is now available in the Journal of Peace Research.Reşat BayerReşat Bayer is Associate Professor of International Relations at Koç University. His primary research interests are international cooperation and conflict, political violence, and peace within and between countries. His research has appeared in the British Journal of Political Science, International Studies Quarterly, Journal of Peace Research, Public Choice, Globalizations, PS: Politics and Political Science, among other journals. He is also the data host of the Diplomatic Exchange data set of the Correlates of War project.Özge KemahlıoğluÖzge Kemahlıoğlu is an Associate Professor of Political Science at Sabancı University. Her research mainly focuses on party politics, sub-national governments, distributive politics, and incumbency advantage. Her single and co-authored articles on these topics appeared in Comparative Politics, Journal of Politics, Journal of Theoretical Politics, Latin American Politics and Society, South European Politics and Society, Swiss Political Science Review, Turkish Studies, and Public Choice. She is the author of Agents or Bosses? Patronage and Intra-party Politics in Argentina and Turkey, published in 2012.","PeriodicalId":51451,"journal":{"name":"Terrorism and Political Violence","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Breaking the Bank: Effects of Domestic Conflict on the Banking Sector in Turkey\",\"authors\":\"Emine Arı, Reşat Bayer, Özge Kemahlıoğlu\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/09546553.2023.2252104\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTAlthough banks occupy a central role in most (post-)conflict situations, there is a perplexing lack of attention to them in studies of political violence. As a case experiencing domestic conflict with varying degrees in the last decades, Turkey offers opportunities to understand how the banking sector, including state deposit banks, responds to such political violence. We focus on the short-term impact of political violence and address the following questions: Do all actors in the sector respond in similar ways to security threats? Is there variation according to conflict intensity? We shed light on these puzzles with an analysis of original data on bank ownership, bank branches, bank deposit amounts, and bank credits. We show that banks with profit incentives respond to conflict by lowering their presence in provinces hit by these attacks. In comparison, our finding that deposits in high conflict intensity areas are not affected suggests that it is indeed economic actors outside high intensity regions that are more sensitive to short-time changes in security compared to local ones. Overall, the results demonstrate that political violence hurts banks’ presence in conflict locations and their presence matters through credit provision to these areas.KEYWORDS: Bankingpolitical violencepost-conflict economypublic/private policy and terrorismconflict region Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2023.2252104Notes1. John Horgan and Max Taylor, “Playing the ‘Green Card’—Financing the Provisional IRA: Part 2,” Terrorism and Political Violence 15, no. 2 (2003): 1–60. https://doi.org/10.1080/09546550312331293027; Emre Hatipoglu and Dursun Peksen, “Economic Sanctions and Banking Crises in Target Economies,” Defence and Peace Economics 29, no. 2 (2018): 171–89. https://doi.org/10.1080/10242694.2016.1245811.2. Edward Moxon-Browne, European Terrorism (New York , Toronto: Macmillan, 1994); John Otis, “Rebirth, or Relapse? Colombia Hits a Post-War Turning Point,” Americas Quarterly, 2017. https://www.americasquarterly.org/fulltextarticle/rebirth-or-relapse-colombia-hits-a-post-war-turning-point/.3. Luigi Gioso Paola Sapienza and Luigi Zingales, “The Role of Social Capital in Financial Development,” The American Economic Review 94, no. 3 (2004): 526–56.4. Paul Collier and Marguerite Duponchel, “The Economic Legacy of Civil War: Firm-Level Evidence from Sierra Leone,” The Journal of Conflict Resolution 57, no. 1 (2013): 65–88.5. Tilman Brück, Wim Naudé, and Philip Verwimp, “Small Business, Entrepreneurship and Violent Conflict in Developing Countries,” Journal of Small Business & Entrepreneurship 24, no. 2 (2011): 161–78. https://doi.org/10.1080/08276331.2011.10593532.6. Asli Demirgüc-Kunt, Leora F. Klapper, and Georgios A. 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Dice Center for Research in Financial Economics, 2006. https://ideas.repec.org//p/ecl/ohidic/2006-6.html.43. Michael P Cañares, “In Violence as in Peace: Violent Conflict and Rural Entrepreneurship in the Philippines,” Journal of Small Business & Entrepreneurship 24, no. 2 (2011): 253–64. https://doi.org/10.1080/08276331.2011.10593537.44. Kalkinma Bakanligi, On Birinci Kalkınma Planı 2019–2023 (Ankara: Kalkinma Bakanligi, 2019). https://www.sbb.gov.tr/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/On_Birinci_Kalkinma_Plani-2019-2023.pdf.45. Information about banks ownership, assets distribution, branch, and personnel can be found at The Bank Association of Turkey’s statistical reports.46. Türkiye Bankalar Birliği (TBB), “Veri Sorgulama Sistemi,” 2019. https://www.tbb.org.tr/tr.47. Rafael La Porta, Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes, and Andrei Shleifer, “Government Ownership of Banks,” The Journal of Finance 57, no. 1 (2002): 265–301.48. 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The Online Appendix provides details about how we calculated province-year level population data from 1987 to 2018.79. World Bank, “Inflation, Consumer Prices (Annual %),” 2021. https://datacatalog.worldbank.org/inflation-consumer-prices-annual-0.80. Central Bank of Republic of Turkey (CBRT), “Indicative Exchange Rates,” 2021. https://evds2.tcmb.gov.tr/index.php?/evds/serieMarket/#collapse_2.81. Demiralp and Demiralp, “Erosion Central Bank Independence.”82. Jie Zhang, “More Political Representation, More Economic Development? Evidence from Turkey,” Public Choice 187, no. 3 (2021): 275–99. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-019-00773-6.83. Marois, States, Banks and Crisis, 182.84. Servet Mutlu, “Ethnic Kurds in Turkey: A Demographic Study,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 28, no. 4 (1996): 517–41; Arzu Kibris, “The Polarization Trap,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 37, no. 6 (2014): 492–522. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2014.903452; Ceren Belge, “Civilian Victimization and the Politics of Information in the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey,” World Politics 68, no. 2 (2016): 275–306; Güneş Murat Tezcür, “Ordinary People, Extraordinary Risks: Participation in an Ethnic Rebellion,” American Political Science Review 110, no. 2 (2016): 247–64. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055416000150; Zeki Sarıgil, Ethnic Boundaries in Turkish Politics (New York: NYU Press, 2018). https://nyupress.org/9781479882168/ethnic-boundaries-in-turkish-politics.85. We limit the analysis to banks that had at least two branches in the previous year as some foreign banks open only one branch (typically in Istanbul). The sample, therefore, starts with year 1989.86. Rockmore et al., “Aggregate Measures Exposure Violence.”87. Peleg et al., “The Normalisation of Terror”; Justino, “Poverty and Violent Conflict.”88. Önder and Özyıldırım, “Political Connection, Bank Credits.”89. Mesut Yeğen, “Turkish Nationalism and the Kurdish Question,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 30, no. 1 (2007): 119–51. https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870601006603; Yeğen, “Kurdish Question in Turkey”; Zeki Sarıgil, “Curbing Kurdish Ethno-Nationalism in Turkey: An Empirical Assessment of pro-Islamic and Socio-Economic Approaches,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 33, no. 3 (2010): 533–53; Erdem Yörük and Hişyar Özsoy, “Shifting Forms of Turkish State Paternalism toward the Kurds: Social Assistance as ‘Benevolent’ Control,” Dialectical Anthropology 37, no. 1 (2013): 153–5890. The Wald Chi Square statistic for Model 1 is 51879.19 (p value = 0) and for Model 2 is 26557.43 (p value = 0).91. The marginal effect of attacks in the conflict-prone region (Southeast = 1) for non-state banks (state = 0) is equal to −0.001 (with a standard error of 0.0005) and for state banks (state = 1) is equal to −0.004 (with a standard error of 0.001). In the rest of the country, the marginal effect of attacks for state banks is estimated as −0.001 (with a standard error of 0.002).92. When Southeast is equal to 1, the marginal effect of attacks is .00002 (s.e. 0.0003).93. The consecutive marginal effects are 0.0001 (s.e. 0006) and 0.005 (s.e. 0.0009).94. Alptekin, “Tracking Terrorism Counter-Terrorism.”95. Kibris, “Geo-Temporal Evolution Violence.”96. Gaibulloev and Younas, “Conflicts Domestic Bank Lending.”97. Daniel Meierrieks and Thomas Gries, “Causality between Terrorism and Economic Growth,” Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 1 (2013): 91–104. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343312445650.98. Bozzoli et al., “Self-Employment Conflict Colombia,” 128.99. 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We use the endog option for the xtivreg2 command Schaffer, Mark E, “XTIVREG2: Stata Module to Perform Extended IV/2SLS, GMM and AC/HAC, LIML and k-Class Regression for Panel Data Models,” Statistical Software Components, 2020. https://ideas.repec.org//c/boc/bocode/s456501.html. written for Stata.105. For state bank deposits in the conflict-prone areas where the test statistic lies at the border with a p value equal to 0.084, province’s share of total defense spending would not work as an instrument since increased deterrence would lead to larger number of personnel who would get their salaries deposited in the state banks.106. Mehmet Gurses, “Environmental Consequences of Civil War: Evidence from the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey,” Civil Wars 14, no. 2 (2012): 254–71. https://doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2012.679495.107. Brück et al., “Business under Fire,” 15.108. Barbara F. Walter, “Why Bad Governance Leads to Repeat Civil War,” The Journal of Conflict Resolution 59, no. 7 (2015): 1242–72.109. Bolanda Hewa Thilakaweera, Charles Harvie, and Amir Arjomandi, “Branch Expansion and Banking Efficiency in Sri Lanka’s Post‐conflict Era,” Journal of Asian Economics 47 (2016): 45–57. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.asieco.2016.09.001.110. Guiso et al., “Social Capital Financial Development.”111. See Tony Addison, Alemayehu Geda, Philippe Le Billon, and S Mansoob Murshed, “Reconstructing and Reforming the Financial System in Conflict and ‘Post-Conflict’ Economies,” The Journal of Development Studies 41, no. 4 (2005): 703–18. https://doi.org/10.1080/00220380500092861.112. Ayşegül Eruygur and Tolga Omay, “Terrorism and the Stock Market: A Case Study for Turkey Using STR Models,” Journal of Reviews on Global Economics 3 (2014): 220–27.Additional informationNotes on contributorsEmine ArıEmine Arı is a Postdoctoral Researcher at Bilkent University. She defended her dissertation on state of emergency and international conflict and cooperation at Koç University in August 2022. Her main research interests are civil conflict, terrorism, and political violence. Her research is now available in the Journal of Peace Research.Reşat BayerReşat Bayer is Associate Professor of International Relations at Koç University. His primary research interests are international cooperation and conflict, political violence, and peace within and between countries. His research has appeared in the British Journal of Political Science, International Studies Quarterly, Journal of Peace Research, Public Choice, Globalizations, PS: Politics and Political Science, among other journals. He is also the data host of the Diplomatic Exchange data set of the Correlates of War project.Özge KemahlıoğluÖzge Kemahlıoğlu is an Associate Professor of Political Science at Sabancı University. Her research mainly focuses on party politics, sub-national governments, distributive politics, and incumbency advantage. Her single and co-authored articles on these topics appeared in Comparative Politics, Journal of Politics, Journal of Theoretical Politics, Latin American Politics and Society, South European Politics and Society, Swiss Political Science Review, Turkish Studies, and Public Choice. She is the author of Agents or Bosses? Patronage and Intra-party Politics in Argentina and Turkey, published in 2012.\",\"PeriodicalId\":51451,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Terrorism and Political Violence\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":2.3000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-10-02\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Terrorism and Political Violence\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2023.2252104\",\"RegionNum\":2,\"RegionCategory\":\"社会学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q1\",\"JCRName\":\"INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Terrorism and Political Violence","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2023.2252104","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Andrew Karolyi,《恐怖主义对金融市场的影响:我们知道什么?》俄亥俄州立大学,Charles A. Dice金融经济学研究中心,2006。https://ideas.repec.org//p/ecl/ohidic/2006 - 6. html.43。Michael P Cañares,“暴力与和平:菲律宾的暴力冲突与农村创业”,《小企业与创业杂志》,第24期。2(2011): 253-64。https://doi.org/10.1080/08276331.2011.10593537.44。Kalkinma Bakanligi, On Birinci Kalkınma planyi 2019 - 2023(安卡拉:Kalkinma Bakanligi, 2019)。https://www.sbb.gov.tr/wp content/uploads/2022/07/on_birinci_kalkinma_plani - 2019 - 2023. - pdf.45。46.关于银行所有权、资产分布、分支机构和人员的信息可在土耳其银行协会的统计报告中找到。TBB (TBB), <s:1> rkiye Bankalar Birliği,“真实的高粱系统”,2019。https://www.tbb.org.tr/tr.47。Rafael La Porta, Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes, Andrei Shleifer,“银行的政府所有权”,《金融杂志》第57期。1(2002): 265-301.48。Dani Rodrik,“结构调整计划应该如何设计?”《世界发展》第18期。7(1990): 933-47。https://doi.org/10.1016/0305 - 750 x 90077 - b.49(90)。Thomas Marois,国家,银行和危机:新兴的金融资本主义在墨西哥和土耳其(切尔滕纳姆:爱德华埃尔加出版社,2013),102.50。<s:1> ls<e:1> n Akin, Ahmet Aysan, Levent Yildiran,“2001年危机后土耳其金融部门的转型”,《土耳其与全球经济:危机后时代的新自由主义重组与整合》,ed Ziya Öniş and Fikret Senses,第1版(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社,2009),73-100.51。Caner Bakir和Ziya Öniş,“后华盛顿共识时代的监管国家和土耳其银行改革”,《发展与变革》第41期。1(2010): 77-106。https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.2009.01634.x.52。<s:1> rkiye Bankalar Birliği (TBB),“真实的高粱系统”,53。Akin et al.,“转型土耳其金融部门”,54。Seda Demiralp和Selva Demiralp,“土耳其中央银行独立性的侵蚀”,《土耳其研究》,第20期。1(2019): 49-68。https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2018.1505512.55。Francesco Pavoni, Doruk Acar, Filippo Ghizzoni,最大分支:重新评估和振兴您的网络-聚焦土耳其(伊斯坦布尔:罗兰贝格中东和土耳其办事处,2013).56。马鲁瓦:《国家、银行和危机》57.57。如上,184.58。Arzu Kibris,“国内冲突中暴力的时空演变:基于新事件数据集的冲突扩散的微观分析”,《和平研究》第58期。5(2021): 885-99.59。Bilgel和Karahasan,《经济成本、分离主义恐怖主义》,458;参见Nadir Öcal和j<e:1> lide Yildirim,“恐怖主义对土耳其经济增长的区域影响:地理加权回归方法”,《和平研究杂志》第47期。4(2010): 477-89.60。《土耳其库尔德人的政治经济学:从奥斯曼帝国到土耳其共和国》(英国剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2017),第61页。Mesut Yeğen,“土耳其的库尔德问题:拒绝承认”,《土耳其的民族主义和政治:政治伊斯兰、凯末尔主义和库尔德问题》,Marlies Casier和Joost Jongerden主编,第1版(伦敦:Routledge出版社,2011),67-84.62。Mehmet Gurses,“土耳其演变中的库尔德问题”,《中东评论》第29期,第2期。[j](2020): 307-18。https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2020.1770448.63。https://www.riskmerkezi.org/Content/Upload/istatistikiraporlar/ekler/1416/Risk_Merkezi_Aylik_Bulteni_Haziran_2018.pdf.64。https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/ekonomi/batmanda - 20 - atm yakildi - 3 - milyon -里拉kayip - 27372573.65。https://www.finansgundem.com/haber/teror-karsiliksiz-ceki-patlatti/453369.66。https://www.milliyet.com.tr/ekonomi/guneydogu - ekonomisi zorda - isadami karamsar - 151358.67。Polat S Alpman, Esmer yakalılar: Kent-sınıf-kimlik ve k<e:1> rt emeği (İletişim Yayınevi, 2016)。https://iletisim.com.tr/kitap/esmer-yakalilar/9263.68。“10 bin kepenk kapandyi”,《共和报》,2017年1月25日,http://egazete.cumhuriyet.com.tr/oku/192/2017-01-25/0.69。TESEV, Doğu ve Güneydoğu Anadolu 'da Sosyal ve Ekonomik Öncelikler(伊斯坦布尔:TESEV, 2006)。https://www.tesev.org.tr/wp-content/uploads/rapor_Dogu_Ve_Guneydogu_Anadoluda_Sosyal_Ve_Ekonomik_Oncelikler.pdf.70。https://www.dunya.com/ekonomi/ziraat-bankasi-genel-muduru-can-akin-caglar-guneydogu039da-az-haberi-34945 https://www.dunya.com/finans/haberler/kredide-guneydogu-onde-kosuyor-haberi-219289 https://www.dunya.com/ekonomi/sektorel-kredi-artisinda-lider-guneydogu-haberi-255364 https://www.isbank.com.tr/bankamizi-taniyin/ulke-istikrari-icin-kaynaklarimizi-maharetimizi-sonuna-kadar-kullanacagiz.71。国家恐怖主义和应对恐怖主义研究联盟(START),“全球恐怖主义数据库”,2016年。http://www.start.umd.edu/gtd.72。 John D Sargan,“使用工具变量估算经济关系”,《计量经济学》第26期。3(1958): 393-415。https://doi.org/10.2307/1907619.103。Lars Peter Hansen,“广义矩估计方法的大样本性质”,《计量经济学》第50期。4(1982): 1029-54。https://doi.org/10.2307/1912775.104。Schaffer, Mark E,“xtivreg2: Stata Module to Perform Extended IV/2SLS, GMM and AC/HAC, LIML and k-Class Regression for Panel Data Models”,Statistical Software Components, 2020。https://ideas.repec.org//c/boc/bocode/s456501.html。为国家写的。对于易发生冲突地区的国有银行存款(检验统计值在边界处,p值等于0.084)来说,省在国防开支总额中所占的份额将不起作用,因为增强威慑将导致更多的人员将其工资存入国有银行。内战的环境后果:来自土耳其库尔德冲突的证据,《内战》,第14期。2(2012): 254-71。https://doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2012.679495.107。br<e:1>等人,“战火之下的企业”,15.108。芭芭拉·f·沃尔特,“为什么糟糕的治理导致内战重演”,《冲突解决杂志》,第59期。7(2015): 1242-72.109。张晓明,张晓明,“金融危机对中国银行业发展的影响”,《经济研究》第4期(2016):1 - 7。https://doi.org/10.1016/j.asieco.2016.09.001.110。Guiso et al.,《社会资本和金融发展》111。参见Tony Addison, Alemayehu Geda, Philippe Le Billon, S Mansoob Murshed,“冲突与“后冲突”经济中的金融体系重建与改革”,《发展研究》第41期。4(2005): 703-18。https://doi.org/10.1080/00220380500092861.112。ay<s:1> egeg<e:1>、Tolga Omay,“恐怖主义与股票市场:基于STR模型的土耳其案例研究”,《经济研究》2014年第3期,第220-27页。semine ArıEmine aryi是比尔肯特大学的博士后研究员。她于2022年8月在Koç大学答辩了关于紧急状态和国际冲突与合作的论文。她的主要研究兴趣是国内冲突、恐怖主义和政治暴力。她的研究现已发表在《和平研究杂志》上。re<s:1> at Bayer, Koç大学国际关系学副教授。他的主要研究兴趣是国际合作与冲突,政治暴力,以及国家内部和国家之间的和平。他的研究发表在《英国政治学杂志》、《国际研究季刊》、《和平研究杂志》、《公共选择》、《全球化》、《政治与政治学》等期刊上。他也是战争相关项目的外交交换数据集的数据主机。Özge KemahlıoğluÖzge Kemahlıoğlu,萨班基大学政治学副教授。她的研究主要集中在政党政治、地方政府、分配政治和在职优势。她在《比较政治学》、《政治学杂志》、《理论政治学杂志》、《拉丁美洲政治与社会》、《南欧政治与社会》、《瑞士政治科学评论》、《土耳其研究》和《公共选择》等杂志上发表了关于这些主题的文章。她是《代理人还是老板?》《阿根廷和土耳其的赞助与党内政治》,出版于2012年。
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Breaking the Bank: Effects of Domestic Conflict on the Banking Sector in Turkey
ABSTRACTAlthough banks occupy a central role in most (post-)conflict situations, there is a perplexing lack of attention to them in studies of political violence. As a case experiencing domestic conflict with varying degrees in the last decades, Turkey offers opportunities to understand how the banking sector, including state deposit banks, responds to such political violence. We focus on the short-term impact of political violence and address the following questions: Do all actors in the sector respond in similar ways to security threats? Is there variation according to conflict intensity? We shed light on these puzzles with an analysis of original data on bank ownership, bank branches, bank deposit amounts, and bank credits. We show that banks with profit incentives respond to conflict by lowering their presence in provinces hit by these attacks. In comparison, our finding that deposits in high conflict intensity areas are not affected suggests that it is indeed economic actors outside high intensity regions that are more sensitive to short-time changes in security compared to local ones. Overall, the results demonstrate that political violence hurts banks’ presence in conflict locations and their presence matters through credit provision to these areas.KEYWORDS: Bankingpolitical violencepost-conflict economypublic/private policy and terrorismconflict region Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2023.2252104Notes1. 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TESEV, Doğu ve Güneydoğu Anadolu’da Sosyal ve Ekonomik Öncelikler (Istanbul: TESEV, 2006). https://www.tesev.org.tr/wp-content/uploads/rapor_Dogu_Ve_Guneydogu_Anadoluda_Sosyal_Ve_Ekonomik_Oncelikler.pdf.70. https://www.dunya.com/ekonomi/ziraat-bankasi-genel-muduru-can-akin-caglar-guneydogu039da-az-haberi-34945 https://www.dunya.com/finans/haberler/kredide-guneydogu-onde-kosuyor-haberi-219289 https://www.dunya.com/ekonomi/sektorel-kredi-artisinda-lider-guneydogu-haberi-255364 https://www.isbank.com.tr/bankamizi-taniyin/ulke-istikrari-icin-kaynaklarimizi-maharetimizi-sonuna-kadar-kullanacagiz.71. National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START), “Global Terrorism Database,” 2016. http://www.start.umd.edu/gtd.72. Hüseyin Alptekin, “Tracking Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism: Introducing the Turkey Terrorism Incidents Database,” Mediterranean Politics 28, no. 1 (2023): 124–36. https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.1894727.73. Kibris, “Geo-Temporal Evolution Violence.”74. Enders and Sandler, Political Economy of Terrorism.75. START, “Global Terrorism Database,” 9 See codebook.76. Gaibulloev and Younas, “Conflicts Domestic Bank Lending,”; Li et al., “Civil War Foreign Investment.”77. Turkish Statistical Institute (TurkStat), “Gross Domestic Product by Provinces, 2019,” Turkish Statistical Institute (TurkStat), 2021. https://data.tuik.gov.tr/Bulten/Index?p=Gross-Domestic-Product-by-Provinces-2019-33663&dil=2; Turkish Statistical Institute (TurkStat), “Gross Domestic Product by Provinces; 1987–2001,” 2001.78. The Online Appendix provides details about how we calculated province-year level population data from 1987 to 2018.79. World Bank, “Inflation, Consumer Prices (Annual %),” 2021. https://datacatalog.worldbank.org/inflation-consumer-prices-annual-0.80. Central Bank of Republic of Turkey (CBRT), “Indicative Exchange Rates,” 2021. https://evds2.tcmb.gov.tr/index.php?/evds/serieMarket/#collapse_2.81. Demiralp and Demiralp, “Erosion Central Bank Independence.”82. Jie Zhang, “More Political Representation, More Economic Development? Evidence from Turkey,” Public Choice 187, no. 3 (2021): 275–99. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-019-00773-6.83. Marois, States, Banks and Crisis, 182.84. Servet Mutlu, “Ethnic Kurds in Turkey: A Demographic Study,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 28, no. 4 (1996): 517–41; Arzu Kibris, “The Polarization Trap,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 37, no. 6 (2014): 492–522. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2014.903452; Ceren Belge, “Civilian Victimization and the Politics of Information in the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey,” World Politics 68, no. 2 (2016): 275–306; Güneş Murat Tezcür, “Ordinary People, Extraordinary Risks: Participation in an Ethnic Rebellion,” American Political Science Review 110, no. 2 (2016): 247–64. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055416000150; Zeki Sarıgil, Ethnic Boundaries in Turkish Politics (New York: NYU Press, 2018). https://nyupress.org/9781479882168/ethnic-boundaries-in-turkish-politics.85. We limit the analysis to banks that had at least two branches in the previous year as some foreign banks open only one branch (typically in Istanbul). The sample, therefore, starts with year 1989.86. Rockmore et al., “Aggregate Measures Exposure Violence.”87. Peleg et al., “The Normalisation of Terror”; Justino, “Poverty and Violent Conflict.”88. Önder and Özyıldırım, “Political Connection, Bank Credits.”89. Mesut Yeğen, “Turkish Nationalism and the Kurdish Question,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 30, no. 1 (2007): 119–51. https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870601006603; Yeğen, “Kurdish Question in Turkey”; Zeki Sarıgil, “Curbing Kurdish Ethno-Nationalism in Turkey: An Empirical Assessment of pro-Islamic and Socio-Economic Approaches,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 33, no. 3 (2010): 533–53; Erdem Yörük and Hişyar Özsoy, “Shifting Forms of Turkish State Paternalism toward the Kurds: Social Assistance as ‘Benevolent’ Control,” Dialectical Anthropology 37, no. 1 (2013): 153–5890. The Wald Chi Square statistic for Model 1 is 51879.19 (p value = 0) and for Model 2 is 26557.43 (p value = 0).91. The marginal effect of attacks in the conflict-prone region (Southeast = 1) for non-state banks (state = 0) is equal to −0.001 (with a standard error of 0.0005) and for state banks (state = 1) is equal to −0.004 (with a standard error of 0.001). In the rest of the country, the marginal effect of attacks for state banks is estimated as −0.001 (with a standard error of 0.002).92. When Southeast is equal to 1, the marginal effect of attacks is .00002 (s.e. 0.0003).93. The consecutive marginal effects are 0.0001 (s.e. 0006) and 0.005 (s.e. 0.0009).94. Alptekin, “Tracking Terrorism Counter-Terrorism.”95. Kibris, “Geo-Temporal Evolution Violence.”96. Gaibulloev and Younas, “Conflicts Domestic Bank Lending.”97. Daniel Meierrieks and Thomas Gries, “Causality between Terrorism and Economic Growth,” Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 1 (2013): 91–104. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343312445650.98. Bozzoli et al., “Self-Employment Conflict Colombia,” 128.99. Ministry of Treasury and Finance, “Merkezi Yönetim Bütçe Istatistikleri (2004–2023),” 2023. https://muhasebat.hmb.gov.tr/iller-itibariyle-merkezi-yonetim-butce-istatistikleri-2004-2019.100. Catherine Rodríguez and Fabio Sánchez, “Armed Conflict Exposure, Human Capital Investments, and Child Labor: Evidence from Colombia,” Defence and Peace Economics 23, no. 2 (2012): 161–84. https://doi.org/10.1080/10242694.2011.597239.101. Christopher F. Baum, Mark E. Schaffer, and Steven Stillman, “Enhanced Routines for Instrumental Variables/Generalized Method of Moments Estimation and Testing,” The Stata Journal 7, no. 4 (2007): 465–506.102. John D Sargan, “The Estimation of Economic Relationships Using Instrumental Variables,” Econometrica 26, no. 3 (1958): 393–415. https://doi.org/10.2307/1907619.103. Lars Peter Hansen, “Large Sample Properties of Generalized Method of Moments Estimators,” Econometrica 50, no. 4 (1982): 1029–54. https://doi.org/10.2307/1912775.104. We use the endog option for the xtivreg2 command Schaffer, Mark E, “XTIVREG2: Stata Module to Perform Extended IV/2SLS, GMM and AC/HAC, LIML and k-Class Regression for Panel Data Models,” Statistical Software Components, 2020. https://ideas.repec.org//c/boc/bocode/s456501.html. written for Stata.105. For state bank deposits in the conflict-prone areas where the test statistic lies at the border with a p value equal to 0.084, province’s share of total defense spending would not work as an instrument since increased deterrence would lead to larger number of personnel who would get their salaries deposited in the state banks.106. Mehmet Gurses, “Environmental Consequences of Civil War: Evidence from the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey,” Civil Wars 14, no. 2 (2012): 254–71. https://doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2012.679495.107. Brück et al., “Business under Fire,” 15.108. Barbara F. Walter, “Why Bad Governance Leads to Repeat Civil War,” The Journal of Conflict Resolution 59, no. 7 (2015): 1242–72.109. Bolanda Hewa Thilakaweera, Charles Harvie, and Amir Arjomandi, “Branch Expansion and Banking Efficiency in Sri Lanka’s Post‐conflict Era,” Journal of Asian Economics 47 (2016): 45–57. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.asieco.2016.09.001.110. Guiso et al., “Social Capital Financial Development.”111. See Tony Addison, Alemayehu Geda, Philippe Le Billon, and S Mansoob Murshed, “Reconstructing and Reforming the Financial System in Conflict and ‘Post-Conflict’ Economies,” The Journal of Development Studies 41, no. 4 (2005): 703–18. https://doi.org/10.1080/00220380500092861.112. Ayşegül Eruygur and Tolga Omay, “Terrorism and the Stock Market: A Case Study for Turkey Using STR Models,” Journal of Reviews on Global Economics 3 (2014): 220–27.Additional informationNotes on contributorsEmine ArıEmine Arı is a Postdoctoral Researcher at Bilkent University. She defended her dissertation on state of emergency and international conflict and cooperation at Koç University in August 2022. Her main research interests are civil conflict, terrorism, and political violence. Her research is now available in the Journal of Peace Research.Reşat BayerReşat Bayer is Associate Professor of International Relations at Koç University. His primary research interests are international cooperation and conflict, political violence, and peace within and between countries. His research has appeared in the British Journal of Political Science, International Studies Quarterly, Journal of Peace Research, Public Choice, Globalizations, PS: Politics and Political Science, among other journals. He is also the data host of the Diplomatic Exchange data set of the Correlates of War project.Özge KemahlıoğluÖzge Kemahlıoğlu is an Associate Professor of Political Science at Sabancı University. Her research mainly focuses on party politics, sub-national governments, distributive politics, and incumbency advantage. Her single and co-authored articles on these topics appeared in Comparative Politics, Journal of Politics, Journal of Theoretical Politics, Latin American Politics and Society, South European Politics and Society, Swiss Political Science Review, Turkish Studies, and Public Choice. She is the author of Agents or Bosses? Patronage and Intra-party Politics in Argentina and Turkey, published in 2012.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
5.60
自引率
8.30%
发文量
87
期刊介绍: Terrorism and Political Violence advances scholarship on a broad range of issues associated with terrorism and political violence, including subjects such as: the political meaning of terrorist activity, violence by rebels and by states, the links between political violence and organized crime, protest, rebellion, revolution, the influence of social networks, and the impact on human rights. The journal draws upon many disciplines and theoretical perspectives as well as comparative approaches to provide some of the most groundbreaking work in a field that has hitherto lacked rigour. Terrorism and Political Violence features symposia and edited volumes to cover an important topic in depth. Subjects have included: terrorism and public policy; religion and violence; political parties and terrorism; technology and terrorism; and right-wing terrorism. The journal is essential reading for all academics, decision-makers, and security specialists concerned with understanding political violence.
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