隐藏的深度:证词的不公正、深刻的分歧和民主的审议

IF 0.7 3区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHICAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-27 DOI:10.1080/09672559.2023.2263710
Aidan McGlynn
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I take issue with this last step, but I build on the argument to bring attention to unappreciated and worrying ways in which prejudices can make a disagreement deep in ways that can be hidden from one or more of the participants and from observers. Finally, I revisit some of the ways that deep disagreement has been thought to be problematic for the proper functioning of a democracy, and I examine whether the kinds of hidden deep disagreements I argue for in the paper make these problems any worse, concluding that they likely do.KEYWORDS: Deep disagreementepistemic injusticetestimonial injusticedemocracypolitical polarisation AcknowledgmentsThis publication was made possible through funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 870883.My thanks to audience members at the 2022 European Epistemology Network meeting, hosted by the Cogito Epistemology Research Centre at the University of Glasgow, particularly to Thirza Lagewaard, Guido Melchior, Chris Ranalli and Mona Simion, as well as to anonymous readers for this journal.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Though if I regard you as an epistemic peer with respect to the issues under contention, there are tricky and widely discussed questions about whether and how I need to change my confidence in my original verdict while we wait for this further evidence. The restaurant example comes from Christensen (Citation2007, 193), and the horse race from Elga (Citation2007, 486–487).2. Such ‘faultless’ disagreements have often been thought to call into question the objectivity of the domain under dispute (for example, matters of taste), and to call for some kind of relativistic treatment, though it’s contested what exactly this involves. See, for example, Wright (Citation1992) and the papers in Wright (Citation2023), and MacFarlane (Citation2014, chapter 7).3. Lynch calls the kinds of cases we’re interested in ‘epistemic disagreements’ instead of the more standard ‘deep disagreements’.4. Reflecting my primary focus in section 5 below, this sketches de Ridder’s point rather than Lynch’s, though I do say a little about the latter below too.5. For Fricker, epistemic injustice involves a person being wronged distinctively in their capacity as a knower, or more generally, an epistemic agent. Testimonial injustice need not be systematic, but can result from more idiosyncratic or local prejudices (Fricker Citation2007, 27), but I will focus exclusively on systematic cases here, and so I mostly drop the qualification. Fricker also identifies a second variety of epistemic injustice, hermeneutical injustice, which involves people facing obstacles to making some of their significant social experiences intelligible, to themselves or to others, where those obstacles are due to their belonging to a social group that has been largely excluded from the practices and institutions that play the largest role in shaping a society’s shared hermeneutical resources. For more detailed discussion of how best to understand testimonial and hermeneutical injustice, see McGlynn (Citationforthcoming). I won’t discuss hermeneutical injustice and its relationship to deep disagreement here, but see Lagewaard (Citation2021).6. Ranalli in fact works with a more general notion of a hinge ‘commitment’; such commitments may take the form of propositions, but he wants to allow that what plays this Wittgensteinian hinge-role can take different forms (Ranalli Citation2021, 986 fn8). I am going to stick to the usual label here for reasons of simplicity and familiarity.7. Ranalli suggests that proponents of the Wittgensteinian account will likely accept that it’s too narrow, and will allow that a deep disagreement can be about claims acting as proxies for hinge propositions (Ranalli Citation2021, 988); for example, a disagreement over the permissibility of abortion may be a proxy for a number of deeper disagreements about claims concerning bodily autonomy, feminism, certain religious teachings, and so on, and these claims (or their negations) may be hinges for the participants.8. Ranalli presents the Wittgensteinian account and the fundamental epistemic principles account as two rival conceptions of deep disagreements. It’s worth noting that if one holds a view on which epistemic principles are to play the role of hinges, these won’t be genuine alternatives.9. Again, Ranalli thinks that on this conception deep disagreements can be over ‘proxies’ for fundamental epistemic principles of this kind, as when a disagreement over a particular theological claim is a proxy for an underlying disagreement concerning the epistemic status of religious experiences.10. As I note in the final section of this paper, de Ridder holds that this kind of conception of deep disagreement is too narrow for a different reason. He is motivated by cases of deep disagreement about moral matters to propose that sometimes a disagreement can be deep because it involves disagreement over fundamental moral principles. I’ll follow Lagewaard here in taking epistemic principles to have a special relationship to deep disagreements, but nothing turns crucially on this choice in this paper.11. Compare also de Ridder (Citation2021, 229) and Lynch (Citation2021, 247–248).12. Compare de Ridder (Citation2021, 229).13. Note that the idea of a derived epistemic principle isn’t the same as Ranalli’s notion of a proxy disagreement, even if there are some superficial points of similarity and overlap. Ranalli’s notion concerns what a disagreement is really, at heart, about, and that’s not what Lagewaard is getting at all; as we’ve already noted, a deep disagreement about morals is about those moral issues, even if it also involves disagreement about epistemic principles. Relatedly, the propositions acting as proxies needn’t themselves be epistemic principles; in the example I offered above, a disagreement about a particular theological claim can be proxy for a disagreement about epistemic principles concerning religious experience, but the theological claim isn’t thereby a derived epistemic principle.14. Lagewaard supports this claim in part by appealing to standpoint epistemology, according to which there can be a position of epistemic advantage associated with disadvantaged social groups. Whether this appeal is crucial for Lagewaard’s argument is a good question; I’m inclined to think it’s not, but I lack space to pursue the point here.15. I lack space to go into details, but perhaps another example is offered by Elizabeth Barnes’s discussion of the way that testimony by disabled people about their own well-being is prejudicially dismissed (Citation2016, chapter 4).16. The third kind of disagreement about epistemic principles Lagewaard mentions here, (C), concerns hermeneutical injustice, and so it’s not relevant for the present paper.17. In more recent work, Fricker has expressly described the kinds of prejudices involved in testimonial injustice as implicit biases (Citation2016, 162).18. Tom Robinson’s inability to get the jury to take his testimony seriously due to their prejudices against disabled black men during his trial in Harper Lee’s To Kill a Mockingbird is one of Fricker’s two main examples of systematic testimonial injustice.19. Fogelin’s discussion makes it clear that he holds a version of what in section 2 we called the Wittgensteinian account of deep disagreement. I briefly suggested there that this need not be taken as a rival to a version which focuses on epistemic principles; but in any case, the difference between these conceptions of deep disagreement doesn’t matter for my discussion of Fogelin in this section.20. Thanks to Guido Melchior and Mona Simion for pushing me to address this worry more fully.21. That a disagreement is deep can be hidden in an uninteresting sense, when the relevant epistemic principles each accepts remains private to each participant; a disagreement over epistemic principles may simply not yet have come to light. What makes the cases I’m considering more interesting is that the depth of these disagreements can remain hidden even when the epistemic principles accepted by both parties are a matter of mutual or public knowledge.22. de Ridder also argues that deep disagreements put pressure on the idea that disagreement is good for democracy (see especially Citation2021, 226–7), though this is due to the worries about polarisation that I’ll turn to next in the main text. My distinctive claim here is that testimonial injustice gives rise to deep disagreements that can appear shallow (and so potentially democratically beneficial), even to those involved in them. The point is something of a converse of one made in Lynch Citation2021; Lynch argues that sometimes shallow disagreements can be mistaken for relatively deep ones, and that these misperceived shallow disagreements lead to polarisation in way that’s damaging to democracy.23. A complication I’ve ignored in the main text is that de Ridder has a slightly broader conception of deep disagreement that the one I’ve been working with in this paper since section 2, since he takes deep disagreements to involve disagreements about fundamental epistemic principles or fundamental moral principles, rather than just the former (Citation2021, 228–231). I’m disinclined to follow de Ridder here, but I don’t think it matters for any of my arguments. One might think that I should remove the references to moral disapproval in my discussion of de Ridder’s argument that deep disagreement leads to increased polarisation in the text, if I’ve dropped his suggestion that disagreements can be deep through involving further disagreements over fundamental moral principles. This would be to assume that intellectual disapproval results from finding out that one’s opponents don’t share one’s epistemic principles and that moral disapproval results from finding out that they don’t share one’s moral principles. That’s a neat but implausibly oversimplified picture, and I don’t think we should accept it (or attribute it to de Ridder).24. Arcila-Valenzuela and Páez (Citation2022) argue that it’s not possible to detect testimonial injustice in a particular instance (though they do not deny that it is a real phenomenon that can be detected on a larger scale and which requires mitigating strategies). I don’t mean to endorse anything nearly so strong here.","PeriodicalId":51828,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHICAL STUDIES","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7000,"publicationDate":"2023-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Hidden Depths: Testimonial Injustice, Deep Disagreement, and Democratic Deliberation\",\"authors\":\"Aidan McGlynn\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/09672559.2023.2263710\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTDeep disagreements are those involving a disagreement about (relatively) fundamental epistemic principles. This paper considers the bearing of testimonial injustice, in Miranda Fricker’s sense, on the depth of disagreements, and what this can teach us about the nature and significance of deep disagreements. I start by re-evaluating T. J. Lagewaard’s recent argument that disagreements about the nature, scope, and impact of oppression will often be deepened by testimonial injustice, since the people best placed to offer relevant testimony will be subject to testimonial injustice, pushing the disagreement into one about the bearing of certain epistemic sources on the original debate. I take issue with this last step, but I build on the argument to bring attention to unappreciated and worrying ways in which prejudices can make a disagreement deep in ways that can be hidden from one or more of the participants and from observers. Finally, I revisit some of the ways that deep disagreement has been thought to be problematic for the proper functioning of a democracy, and I examine whether the kinds of hidden deep disagreements I argue for in the paper make these problems any worse, concluding that they likely do.KEYWORDS: Deep disagreementepistemic injusticetestimonial injusticedemocracypolitical polarisation AcknowledgmentsThis publication was made possible through funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 870883.My thanks to audience members at the 2022 European Epistemology Network meeting, hosted by the Cogito Epistemology Research Centre at the University of Glasgow, particularly to Thirza Lagewaard, Guido Melchior, Chris Ranalli and Mona Simion, as well as to anonymous readers for this journal.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Though if I regard you as an epistemic peer with respect to the issues under contention, there are tricky and widely discussed questions about whether and how I need to change my confidence in my original verdict while we wait for this further evidence. The restaurant example comes from Christensen (Citation2007, 193), and the horse race from Elga (Citation2007, 486–487).2. Such ‘faultless’ disagreements have often been thought to call into question the objectivity of the domain under dispute (for example, matters of taste), and to call for some kind of relativistic treatment, though it’s contested what exactly this involves. See, for example, Wright (Citation1992) and the papers in Wright (Citation2023), and MacFarlane (Citation2014, chapter 7).3. Lynch calls the kinds of cases we’re interested in ‘epistemic disagreements’ instead of the more standard ‘deep disagreements’.4. Reflecting my primary focus in section 5 below, this sketches de Ridder’s point rather than Lynch’s, though I do say a little about the latter below too.5. For Fricker, epistemic injustice involves a person being wronged distinctively in their capacity as a knower, or more generally, an epistemic agent. Testimonial injustice need not be systematic, but can result from more idiosyncratic or local prejudices (Fricker Citation2007, 27), but I will focus exclusively on systematic cases here, and so I mostly drop the qualification. Fricker also identifies a second variety of epistemic injustice, hermeneutical injustice, which involves people facing obstacles to making some of their significant social experiences intelligible, to themselves or to others, where those obstacles are due to their belonging to a social group that has been largely excluded from the practices and institutions that play the largest role in shaping a society’s shared hermeneutical resources. For more detailed discussion of how best to understand testimonial and hermeneutical injustice, see McGlynn (Citationforthcoming). I won’t discuss hermeneutical injustice and its relationship to deep disagreement here, but see Lagewaard (Citation2021).6. Ranalli in fact works with a more general notion of a hinge ‘commitment’; such commitments may take the form of propositions, but he wants to allow that what plays this Wittgensteinian hinge-role can take different forms (Ranalli Citation2021, 986 fn8). I am going to stick to the usual label here for reasons of simplicity and familiarity.7. Ranalli suggests that proponents of the Wittgensteinian account will likely accept that it’s too narrow, and will allow that a deep disagreement can be about claims acting as proxies for hinge propositions (Ranalli Citation2021, 988); for example, a disagreement over the permissibility of abortion may be a proxy for a number of deeper disagreements about claims concerning bodily autonomy, feminism, certain religious teachings, and so on, and these claims (or their negations) may be hinges for the participants.8. Ranalli presents the Wittgensteinian account and the fundamental epistemic principles account as two rival conceptions of deep disagreements. It’s worth noting that if one holds a view on which epistemic principles are to play the role of hinges, these won’t be genuine alternatives.9. Again, Ranalli thinks that on this conception deep disagreements can be over ‘proxies’ for fundamental epistemic principles of this kind, as when a disagreement over a particular theological claim is a proxy for an underlying disagreement concerning the epistemic status of religious experiences.10. As I note in the final section of this paper, de Ridder holds that this kind of conception of deep disagreement is too narrow for a different reason. He is motivated by cases of deep disagreement about moral matters to propose that sometimes a disagreement can be deep because it involves disagreement over fundamental moral principles. I’ll follow Lagewaard here in taking epistemic principles to have a special relationship to deep disagreements, but nothing turns crucially on this choice in this paper.11. Compare also de Ridder (Citation2021, 229) and Lynch (Citation2021, 247–248).12. Compare de Ridder (Citation2021, 229).13. Note that the idea of a derived epistemic principle isn’t the same as Ranalli’s notion of a proxy disagreement, even if there are some superficial points of similarity and overlap. Ranalli’s notion concerns what a disagreement is really, at heart, about, and that’s not what Lagewaard is getting at all; as we’ve already noted, a deep disagreement about morals is about those moral issues, even if it also involves disagreement about epistemic principles. Relatedly, the propositions acting as proxies needn’t themselves be epistemic principles; in the example I offered above, a disagreement about a particular theological claim can be proxy for a disagreement about epistemic principles concerning religious experience, but the theological claim isn’t thereby a derived epistemic principle.14. Lagewaard supports this claim in part by appealing to standpoint epistemology, according to which there can be a position of epistemic advantage associated with disadvantaged social groups. Whether this appeal is crucial for Lagewaard’s argument is a good question; I’m inclined to think it’s not, but I lack space to pursue the point here.15. I lack space to go into details, but perhaps another example is offered by Elizabeth Barnes’s discussion of the way that testimony by disabled people about their own well-being is prejudicially dismissed (Citation2016, chapter 4).16. The third kind of disagreement about epistemic principles Lagewaard mentions here, (C), concerns hermeneutical injustice, and so it’s not relevant for the present paper.17. In more recent work, Fricker has expressly described the kinds of prejudices involved in testimonial injustice as implicit biases (Citation2016, 162).18. Tom Robinson’s inability to get the jury to take his testimony seriously due to their prejudices against disabled black men during his trial in Harper Lee’s To Kill a Mockingbird is one of Fricker’s two main examples of systematic testimonial injustice.19. Fogelin’s discussion makes it clear that he holds a version of what in section 2 we called the Wittgensteinian account of deep disagreement. I briefly suggested there that this need not be taken as a rival to a version which focuses on epistemic principles; but in any case, the difference between these conceptions of deep disagreement doesn’t matter for my discussion of Fogelin in this section.20. Thanks to Guido Melchior and Mona Simion for pushing me to address this worry more fully.21. That a disagreement is deep can be hidden in an uninteresting sense, when the relevant epistemic principles each accepts remains private to each participant; a disagreement over epistemic principles may simply not yet have come to light. What makes the cases I’m considering more interesting is that the depth of these disagreements can remain hidden even when the epistemic principles accepted by both parties are a matter of mutual or public knowledge.22. de Ridder also argues that deep disagreements put pressure on the idea that disagreement is good for democracy (see especially Citation2021, 226–7), though this is due to the worries about polarisation that I’ll turn to next in the main text. My distinctive claim here is that testimonial injustice gives rise to deep disagreements that can appear shallow (and so potentially democratically beneficial), even to those involved in them. The point is something of a converse of one made in Lynch Citation2021; Lynch argues that sometimes shallow disagreements can be mistaken for relatively deep ones, and that these misperceived shallow disagreements lead to polarisation in way that’s damaging to democracy.23. A complication I’ve ignored in the main text is that de Ridder has a slightly broader conception of deep disagreement that the one I’ve been working with in this paper since section 2, since he takes deep disagreements to involve disagreements about fundamental epistemic principles or fundamental moral principles, rather than just the former (Citation2021, 228–231). I’m disinclined to follow de Ridder here, but I don’t think it matters for any of my arguments. One might think that I should remove the references to moral disapproval in my discussion of de Ridder’s argument that deep disagreement leads to increased polarisation in the text, if I’ve dropped his suggestion that disagreements can be deep through involving further disagreements over fundamental moral principles. This would be to assume that intellectual disapproval results from finding out that one’s opponents don’t share one’s epistemic principles and that moral disapproval results from finding out that they don’t share one’s moral principles. That’s a neat but implausibly oversimplified picture, and I don’t think we should accept it (or attribute it to de Ridder).24. Arcila-Valenzuela and Páez (Citation2022) argue that it’s not possible to detect testimonial injustice in a particular instance (though they do not deny that it is a real phenomenon that can be detected on a larger scale and which requires mitigating strategies). 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引用次数: 0

摘要

Ranalli将维特根斯坦的解释和基本认知原则的解释视为两个对立的概念,存在深刻的分歧。值得注意的是,如果一个人持有认知原则扮演枢纽角色的观点,这些都不是真正的选择。再次,Ranalli认为,在这个概念上,深刻的分歧可以是对这类基本认识原则的“代理”,就像对特定神学主张的分歧是对宗教经验的认识地位的潜在分歧的代理一样。正如我在本文的最后一节所指出的那样,由于不同的原因,de Ridder认为这种深度分歧的概念过于狭隘。在道德问题上存在深刻分歧的案例促使他提出,有时分歧可能是深刻的,因为它涉及对基本道德原则的分歧。在此,我将遵循拉格沃德的观点,将认识论原则与深度分歧建立特殊关系,但在本文中,这一选择没有任何关键意义。也比较de Ridder (Citation2021, 229)和Lynch (Citation2021, 247-248)。13.比较de Ridder (Citation2021, 229)。请注意,派生的认知原则的概念与Ranalli的代理分歧的概念是不一样的,即使有一些表面的相似点和重叠点。Ranalli的观点关注的是分歧的本质是什么,而这根本不是lageward想要表达的;正如我们已经提到的,对道德的深刻分歧是关于那些道德问题的,即使它也涉及到对认知原则的分歧。相应的,作为代理的命题本身不一定是认识原则;在我上面提供的例子中,对特定神学主张的分歧可以代表对有关宗教经验的认识论原则的分歧,但神学主张并不是由此衍生出的认识论原则。拉格沃德部分地通过诉诸立场认识论来支持这一主张,根据立场认识论,与弱势社会群体相关的认识论优势地位可能存在。这种诉求对拉格沃德的论证是否至关重要是个好问题;我倾向于认为它不是,但我在这里没有足够的篇幅来阐述这一点。由于篇幅有限,我无法详细说明,但伊丽莎白·巴恩斯(Elizabeth Barnes)的讨论可能提供了另一个例子,她讨论了残疾人关于自己幸福的证词是如何被偏见地忽视的(Citation2016,第4章)。拉格沃德在这里提到的关于认识论原则的第三种分歧(C)涉及解释学上的不公正,因此与本文无关。在最近的研究中,Fricker明确地将证词不公正所涉及的偏见描述为隐性偏见(Citation2016, 162)。19.在哈珀·李的《杀死一只知更鸟》中,汤姆·鲁滨逊在审判中由于陪审团对残疾黑人的偏见而无法使陪审团认真对待他的证词,这是弗里克提出的系统性证词不公正的两个主要例子之一。福格林的讨论清楚地表明,他持有一种版本,我们在第二节中称之为维特根斯坦对深度分歧的描述。我在那里简要地说过,这不需要被看作是关注认知原则的版本的竞争对手;但无论如何,这些深刻分歧的概念之间的差异对我在本节中对福格林的讨论无关紧要。感谢Guido Melchior和Mona Simion促使我更充分地解决这个担忧。当每个人都接受的相关认知原则对每个参与者来说都是私人的时候,深刻的分歧可以隐藏在一种无趣的感觉中;在认知原则上的分歧可能只是还没有显露出来。使我所考虑的案例更有趣的是,即使双方接受的认知原则是相互或公共知识的问题,这些分歧的深度也可以被隐藏起来。de Ridder还认为,深刻的分歧给分歧有利于民主的观点施加了压力(特别参见Citation2021, 226-7),尽管这是由于对两极分化的担忧,我将在下一篇主要文章中谈到这一点。我在这里的独特观点是,证词的不公正导致了深刻的分歧,这些分歧可能看起来很肤浅(因此可能对民主有益),即使对那些参与其中的人来说也是如此。这一观点与Lynch Citation2021中提出的观点有些相反;林奇认为,有时肤浅的分歧会被误认为是相对深刻的分歧,而这些被误解的肤浅分歧会导致两极分化,从而损害民主。
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Hidden Depths: Testimonial Injustice, Deep Disagreement, and Democratic Deliberation
ABSTRACTDeep disagreements are those involving a disagreement about (relatively) fundamental epistemic principles. This paper considers the bearing of testimonial injustice, in Miranda Fricker’s sense, on the depth of disagreements, and what this can teach us about the nature and significance of deep disagreements. I start by re-evaluating T. J. Lagewaard’s recent argument that disagreements about the nature, scope, and impact of oppression will often be deepened by testimonial injustice, since the people best placed to offer relevant testimony will be subject to testimonial injustice, pushing the disagreement into one about the bearing of certain epistemic sources on the original debate. I take issue with this last step, but I build on the argument to bring attention to unappreciated and worrying ways in which prejudices can make a disagreement deep in ways that can be hidden from one or more of the participants and from observers. Finally, I revisit some of the ways that deep disagreement has been thought to be problematic for the proper functioning of a democracy, and I examine whether the kinds of hidden deep disagreements I argue for in the paper make these problems any worse, concluding that they likely do.KEYWORDS: Deep disagreementepistemic injusticetestimonial injusticedemocracypolitical polarisation AcknowledgmentsThis publication was made possible through funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 870883.My thanks to audience members at the 2022 European Epistemology Network meeting, hosted by the Cogito Epistemology Research Centre at the University of Glasgow, particularly to Thirza Lagewaard, Guido Melchior, Chris Ranalli and Mona Simion, as well as to anonymous readers for this journal.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Though if I regard you as an epistemic peer with respect to the issues under contention, there are tricky and widely discussed questions about whether and how I need to change my confidence in my original verdict while we wait for this further evidence. The restaurant example comes from Christensen (Citation2007, 193), and the horse race from Elga (Citation2007, 486–487).2. Such ‘faultless’ disagreements have often been thought to call into question the objectivity of the domain under dispute (for example, matters of taste), and to call for some kind of relativistic treatment, though it’s contested what exactly this involves. See, for example, Wright (Citation1992) and the papers in Wright (Citation2023), and MacFarlane (Citation2014, chapter 7).3. Lynch calls the kinds of cases we’re interested in ‘epistemic disagreements’ instead of the more standard ‘deep disagreements’.4. Reflecting my primary focus in section 5 below, this sketches de Ridder’s point rather than Lynch’s, though I do say a little about the latter below too.5. For Fricker, epistemic injustice involves a person being wronged distinctively in their capacity as a knower, or more generally, an epistemic agent. Testimonial injustice need not be systematic, but can result from more idiosyncratic or local prejudices (Fricker Citation2007, 27), but I will focus exclusively on systematic cases here, and so I mostly drop the qualification. Fricker also identifies a second variety of epistemic injustice, hermeneutical injustice, which involves people facing obstacles to making some of their significant social experiences intelligible, to themselves or to others, where those obstacles are due to their belonging to a social group that has been largely excluded from the practices and institutions that play the largest role in shaping a society’s shared hermeneutical resources. For more detailed discussion of how best to understand testimonial and hermeneutical injustice, see McGlynn (Citationforthcoming). I won’t discuss hermeneutical injustice and its relationship to deep disagreement here, but see Lagewaard (Citation2021).6. Ranalli in fact works with a more general notion of a hinge ‘commitment’; such commitments may take the form of propositions, but he wants to allow that what plays this Wittgensteinian hinge-role can take different forms (Ranalli Citation2021, 986 fn8). I am going to stick to the usual label here for reasons of simplicity and familiarity.7. Ranalli suggests that proponents of the Wittgensteinian account will likely accept that it’s too narrow, and will allow that a deep disagreement can be about claims acting as proxies for hinge propositions (Ranalli Citation2021, 988); for example, a disagreement over the permissibility of abortion may be a proxy for a number of deeper disagreements about claims concerning bodily autonomy, feminism, certain religious teachings, and so on, and these claims (or their negations) may be hinges for the participants.8. Ranalli presents the Wittgensteinian account and the fundamental epistemic principles account as two rival conceptions of deep disagreements. It’s worth noting that if one holds a view on which epistemic principles are to play the role of hinges, these won’t be genuine alternatives.9. Again, Ranalli thinks that on this conception deep disagreements can be over ‘proxies’ for fundamental epistemic principles of this kind, as when a disagreement over a particular theological claim is a proxy for an underlying disagreement concerning the epistemic status of religious experiences.10. As I note in the final section of this paper, de Ridder holds that this kind of conception of deep disagreement is too narrow for a different reason. He is motivated by cases of deep disagreement about moral matters to propose that sometimes a disagreement can be deep because it involves disagreement over fundamental moral principles. I’ll follow Lagewaard here in taking epistemic principles to have a special relationship to deep disagreements, but nothing turns crucially on this choice in this paper.11. Compare also de Ridder (Citation2021, 229) and Lynch (Citation2021, 247–248).12. Compare de Ridder (Citation2021, 229).13. Note that the idea of a derived epistemic principle isn’t the same as Ranalli’s notion of a proxy disagreement, even if there are some superficial points of similarity and overlap. Ranalli’s notion concerns what a disagreement is really, at heart, about, and that’s not what Lagewaard is getting at all; as we’ve already noted, a deep disagreement about morals is about those moral issues, even if it also involves disagreement about epistemic principles. Relatedly, the propositions acting as proxies needn’t themselves be epistemic principles; in the example I offered above, a disagreement about a particular theological claim can be proxy for a disagreement about epistemic principles concerning religious experience, but the theological claim isn’t thereby a derived epistemic principle.14. Lagewaard supports this claim in part by appealing to standpoint epistemology, according to which there can be a position of epistemic advantage associated with disadvantaged social groups. Whether this appeal is crucial for Lagewaard’s argument is a good question; I’m inclined to think it’s not, but I lack space to pursue the point here.15. I lack space to go into details, but perhaps another example is offered by Elizabeth Barnes’s discussion of the way that testimony by disabled people about their own well-being is prejudicially dismissed (Citation2016, chapter 4).16. The third kind of disagreement about epistemic principles Lagewaard mentions here, (C), concerns hermeneutical injustice, and so it’s not relevant for the present paper.17. In more recent work, Fricker has expressly described the kinds of prejudices involved in testimonial injustice as implicit biases (Citation2016, 162).18. Tom Robinson’s inability to get the jury to take his testimony seriously due to their prejudices against disabled black men during his trial in Harper Lee’s To Kill a Mockingbird is one of Fricker’s two main examples of systematic testimonial injustice.19. Fogelin’s discussion makes it clear that he holds a version of what in section 2 we called the Wittgensteinian account of deep disagreement. I briefly suggested there that this need not be taken as a rival to a version which focuses on epistemic principles; but in any case, the difference between these conceptions of deep disagreement doesn’t matter for my discussion of Fogelin in this section.20. Thanks to Guido Melchior and Mona Simion for pushing me to address this worry more fully.21. That a disagreement is deep can be hidden in an uninteresting sense, when the relevant epistemic principles each accepts remains private to each participant; a disagreement over epistemic principles may simply not yet have come to light. What makes the cases I’m considering more interesting is that the depth of these disagreements can remain hidden even when the epistemic principles accepted by both parties are a matter of mutual or public knowledge.22. de Ridder also argues that deep disagreements put pressure on the idea that disagreement is good for democracy (see especially Citation2021, 226–7), though this is due to the worries about polarisation that I’ll turn to next in the main text. My distinctive claim here is that testimonial injustice gives rise to deep disagreements that can appear shallow (and so potentially democratically beneficial), even to those involved in them. The point is something of a converse of one made in Lynch Citation2021; Lynch argues that sometimes shallow disagreements can be mistaken for relatively deep ones, and that these misperceived shallow disagreements lead to polarisation in way that’s damaging to democracy.23. A complication I’ve ignored in the main text is that de Ridder has a slightly broader conception of deep disagreement that the one I’ve been working with in this paper since section 2, since he takes deep disagreements to involve disagreements about fundamental epistemic principles or fundamental moral principles, rather than just the former (Citation2021, 228–231). I’m disinclined to follow de Ridder here, but I don’t think it matters for any of my arguments. One might think that I should remove the references to moral disapproval in my discussion of de Ridder’s argument that deep disagreement leads to increased polarisation in the text, if I’ve dropped his suggestion that disagreements can be deep through involving further disagreements over fundamental moral principles. This would be to assume that intellectual disapproval results from finding out that one’s opponents don’t share one’s epistemic principles and that moral disapproval results from finding out that they don’t share one’s moral principles. That’s a neat but implausibly oversimplified picture, and I don’t think we should accept it (or attribute it to de Ridder).24. Arcila-Valenzuela and Páez (Citation2022) argue that it’s not possible to detect testimonial injustice in a particular instance (though they do not deny that it is a real phenomenon that can be detected on a larger scale and which requires mitigating strategies). I don’t mean to endorse anything nearly so strong here.
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期刊介绍: The International Journal of Philosophical Studies (IJPS) publishes academic articles of the highest quality from both analytic and continental traditions and provides a forum for publishing on a broader range of issues than is currently available in philosophical journals. IJPS also publishes annual special issues devoted to key thematic areas or to critical engagements with contemporary philosophers of note. Through its Discussion section, it provides a lively forum for exchange of ideas and encourages dialogue and mutual comprehension across all philosophical traditions. The journal also contains an extensive book review section, including occasional book symposia. It also provides Critical Notices which review major books or themes in depth.
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