中国对印太“一带一路”战略的回应:一个矛盾的战略?

IF 0.7 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Strategic Analysis Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI:10.1080/09700161.2023.2263702
Tayyaba Jaffery, Muhammad Shoaib Pervez
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This paradox entails dichotomy between China’s rhetoric and practices in its institutional, strategic and economic aspects which can be empirically corroborated by the way China relates to ASEAN, its effort to seek an alternate model of security, and ensure economic interconnectivity through the BRI—all of which is counter-intuitive to China’s rhetoric of peaceful co-existence.keywords: Asia-PacificQuadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD)Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)ChinaIndo-pacific Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. “15 Years On, A Look Back at the Boxing Day Tsunami” at https://www.reuters.com/article/us-indianocean-tsunami-file-idUSKBN1YN02E (Accessed 19 June 2022).2. Patrick Gerard Buchan and Benjamin Rimland, ‘Defining the Diamond: The Past, Present and Future of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue’, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, 16 March 2020 (Accessed 19 June 2022).3. Enrico D’ Ambrogio, ‘The Quad: An Emerging Multilateral Security Framework of Democracies in the Indo-Pacific Region’, European Parliamentary Research Service, March 2021 (Accessed 26 October 2022).4. Patrick Gerard Buchan and Benjamin Rimland, no. 2.5. Wooyeal Paik and Jae Jeok Park, ‘The Quad’s Search for Non-military Roles and China’s Strategic Response: Minilateralism, Infrastructure Investment and Regional Balancing’, Journal of Contemporary China, 30(127), 2020, pp. 36–52. (Accessed 26 October 2022).6. “India-Australia-Japan-US Consultations on Indo-Pacific” at https://mea.gov.in/press-releases.htm?dtl/29110/IndiaAustraliaJapanUS_Consultations_on_IndoPacific_Manila_November_12_2017 (Accessed 02 July 2022).7. Ankit Panda, “US, Japan, India and Australia hold Working-Level Quadrilateral Meeting on Regional Cooperation”, The Diplomat, Washington DC, 13 November 2017 (Accessed 03 July 2022).8. William Choong, ‘The Return of the Indo-Pacific Strategy: An Assessment’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 73(5), 2019, pp. 415–430 (Accessed 15 June 2022).9. Alyssa Ayers, “Pivot to Democracy: The Real Promise of the Quad”, War on the Rocks, 3 January 2019 at https://www.warontherocks.com/2019/01/pivot-to-democracy-the-real-promise-of-the-quad/ (Accessed 05 May 2023).10. William T. Tow, ‘Minilateral Security’s Relevance to US Strategy in the Indo-Pacific: Challenges and Prospects’, The Pacific Review 32(2), 2018, pp. 232–244 (Accessed 11 March 2022).11. Stewart Patrick, ‘The New “New Multilateralism”: Minilateral Cooperation, But at What Cost?’, Global Summitry, 1(2), 2015, pp. 115–134 (Accessed 11 April 2022).12. Benjamin Zala, ‘Taking the Potential Costs of the QUAD Seriously’, in Andrew Carr (ed.) Debating the QUAD, Center of Gravity Series 39, Strategic and Defense Studies Center, Canberra, March 2018, pp. 19–22 (Accessed 15 April 2022).13. Brendon J. Cannon and Ash Rossiter, ‘Locating the Quad: Informality, Institutional Flexibility, and Future Alignment in the Indo-Pacific’, International Politics, 2022 (Accessed 11 January 2023).14. Chenyang Li, ‘The Ideal of Harmony in Ancient Chinese and Greek Philosophy’, Dao 7(1), 2008, pp. 287–308 (Accessed 21 August 2023). See also, Fenzhi Zhang, Xi Jinping: How to read Confucius and other Chinese Classical Thinkers, CN Time Books, New York, 2015 (Accessed 24 August 2023).15. Shaoxing Tao, ‘Deconstructing China Threat Theory: The Pursuit of Harmonious World in the Chinese Dream’, Journal of Nanchang Hongkong University: Social Sciences, 17(1), 2015, 14–21 (Accessed 21 August 2023).16. Linus Hagstrom and Astrid Nordin, ‘China’s Politics of Harmony and the Quest for Soft Power in International Politics’, International Studies Review, 22, 2020,507–525 (Accessed on 25 August 2023).17. Xiangming Zeng, ‘Interpreting the Soft Power of the Chinese Dream’, Fujan Theory Studies, 8, 2014, 4–6(Accessed on 23 August 2023).18. Gilbert Rozman, “The Quad: Contrasting Chinese and US Perceptions”, The ASAN Forum, Korea, 11 June 2021(Accessed 10 May 2022).19. Mrittika Guha Sarkar, ‘China and QUAD 2.0: Between Response and Regional Construct’, Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India, 16(1),2020, pp. 110–130 (Accessed 16 September 2022).20. Joel Wuthnow, “China’s Shifting Attitude on the Indo-Pacific QUAD”, War on the Rocks, 7 April 2021 at https://warontherocks.com/2021/04/chinas-shifting-attitude-on-the-indo-pacific-quad/ (Accessed 12 March 2022).21. Lin Minwang, ‘China’s Evolving Perspectives on the Quad’, East Asian Policy, 14(3), 2022, 5–16 (Accessed on 25 August 2023).22. “China’s Xi allowed to remain president for life as term limits removed”, at https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-43361276 (Accessed 26 August 2023).23. Li Minwang, no. 21.24. P.K. Vasudeva, ‘Sri Lanka’s handing over Hambantota port to China has enormous ramifications’, at http://www.indiandefencereview.com/news/sri-lankas-handing-over-hambantota-port-to-china-has-enormous-ramifications/ (Accessed 27 August 2023).25. Ibid.26. PTI, ‘China Slams QUAD Ahead of 1st In-Person Summit in US, Says Doomed to Fail, The Times of India, New Delhi, 24 September 2021 (Accessed 19 March 2022).27. Shannon Tiezzi, ‘China’s Two-Pronged Response to the Quad’, The Diplomat, Washington DC, 07 October 2020 (Accessed 11 March 2022).28. ‘China Slams QUAD Ahead of 1st In-Person Summit in US, Says Doomed to Fail, no. 26.29. William T. Tow, no. 10. See also Stewart Patrick, no. 1130. “China’s Policies on Asia-Pacific Security Cooperation”, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, 11 January 2017 at www.fmprc.gov.cn (Accessed 29 October 2021).31. Chaobing Qiu, ‘China-ASEAN Relations: Consensus on Principles, Differences On Specifics’, Asia Pacific Bulletin, 238, 31 October 2013(Accessed 17 May 2022).32. “China-ASEAN Relations: Thirty Years and Beyond”, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, 22 January 2021 at https://www.mfa.gov.cn/ce/ceasean//eng/zgwj/t1847919.htm (Accessed 16 March 2022).33. “ASEAN-China Relations” at the http://www.asean-china-center.org/english/2020–03/4613.html (Accessed 16 March 2022).34. Ibid.35. Koh King Kee, ‘The China-ASEAN Relations in the Era of Big Power Competition’, China Today, Beijing, 21 January 2022 (Accessed 12 April 2023).36. Gary Klintworth, ‘China’s Evolving Relationship with APEC’, International Journal: Canada’s Journal of Global Policy Analysis, 50(3), 1995, pp. 488–515 (Accessed 14 December 2022).37. Fernando Delage Carretero, ‘The Asia Strategy of Xi Jinping’, Journal of the Spanish Institute for Strategic Studies, 5, 2015, pp. 2–34 (Accessed 15 April 2022).38. Amitav Acharya, ‘Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia’, 2001, Routledge London(Accessed on 26 August 2023). See also Amitav Acharya, ‘The myth of ASEAN centrality?’, Contemporary Southeast Asia, 39 (2), 2017, pp. 273–279. (Accessed 7 September 2022).39. Fernando Delage Carretero, no. 37.40. “China’s Policies on Asia-Pacific Security Cooperation”, The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China, First Edition 2017 at http://www.xinhuanet.com//english/china/2017–01/11/c_135973695.htm (Accessed 25 February 2022).41. “China’s Policies on Asia-Pacific Security Cooperation”, no. 40.42. Acting on the Global Security Initiative to Safeguard World Peace and Tranquility”, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, 2022 at https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjdt_665385/zyjh_665391/202205/t20220505_10681820.html (Accessed 10 September 2022).43. Mordechai Chaziza, “The Global Security Initiative: China’s New Security Architecture for the Gulf”, The Diplomat, Washington DC, 25 August 2023.44. Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury, “China’s South China Sea Actions faces Counter Reactions from International Community”, The Economic Times, 02 February 2022(Accessed 07 August 2022).45. Associated Press, “China has fully militarized Three Islands in South China Sea, US Admiral says”, The Guardian, 21 March 2022 (Accessed 20 September 2022).46. “United States National Security Strategy 2017” at https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/NSS-Final-12-18-2017–0905.pdf (Accessed 24 November 2022).47. Xi Jinping, “Secure a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and strive for the great success of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era” China Daily, 2017 (Accessed 21 May 2022).48. “Vision and Actions on jointly building Belt and Road” at http://2017.beltandroadforum.org/english/n100/2017/0410/c22–45.html (Accessed 13 June 2022).49. Masahiro Matsumura, ‘A Realist Approach to Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy vs. China’s Belt and Road Initiative: A Propaganda Rivalry’, International Journal of China Studies, 10(2), 2019, pp. 131–155. (Accessed 11 April 2023)50. Enrico Cau, ‘Geopolitical implications of the Belt and Road Initiative: The backbone for a New World Order?’, Contemporary Chinese Political, Economic and Strategic Relations, 4(1), 2018, pp. 39–105 (Accessed 04 May 2023).51. Daojiong Zha, ‘China’s Economic Diplomacy: Focusing on the Asia-Pacific Region’, China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies, 1(1), 2015, pp. 85–104. (Accessed 19 June 2022).52. Francois Godement and Agatha Kratz, “One Belt, One Road: China’s Great Leap Outward”, European Council on Foreign Relations, p. 6 (Accessed 17 August 2022).Additional informationNotes on contributorsTayyaba JafferyMs Tayyaba Jaffery is a PhD Candidate at the Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Management and Technology, Lahore, Pakistan. Her ongoing doctoral thesis is on “US-Strategic Partnership in Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) (2007–2020): Implications for China in the Indo-Pacific”. She also holds an MPhil degree in International Relations from Kinnaird College for Women, Lahore, Pakistan. Her previous researches are based on the political dynamics of Asia-Pacific and Africa.Muhammad Shoaib PervezMuhammad Shoaib Pervez, Phd Leiden University, Holland (2010), Fulbright Post-Doctoral fellow Columbia University, New York (2015) is the Chair of the Department of Political Science and International Relations at University of Management and Technology Lahore, Pakistan. His first book ‘Security Community in South Asia: India-Pakistan’, 2013, New York: Routledge, has won the ‘Outstanding Research Award’ from Government of Pakistan. His second book also published by Routledge titled ‘Radicalization in Pakistan: A Critical Perspective’ has been reviewed very positively in the journal Critical Studies on Terrorism (Vol 14: 3, 2021). He has also published numerous articles in peer reviewed journals like International Politics, South East Asian Research Journal, and International Affairs.","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"China’s Response Towards QUAD in the Indo-Pacific: A Paradoxical Strategy?\",\"authors\":\"Tayyaba Jaffery, Muhammad Shoaib Pervez\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/09700161.2023.2263702\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"AbstractIn response to China’s phenomenal rise in the Indo-Pacific, the United States and its allies have institutionalized the QUAD. This article seeks to critique the novel construct of ‘Harmonious Realism’ and argues that the Chinese strategy for an Indo-Pacific regional order is paradoxical in nature. This paradox entails dichotomy between China’s rhetoric and practices in its institutional, strategic and economic aspects which can be empirically corroborated by the way China relates to ASEAN, its effort to seek an alternate model of security, and ensure economic interconnectivity through the BRI—all of which is counter-intuitive to China’s rhetoric of peaceful co-existence.keywords: Asia-PacificQuadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD)Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)ChinaIndo-pacific Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. “15 Years On, A Look Back at the Boxing Day Tsunami” at https://www.reuters.com/article/us-indianocean-tsunami-file-idUSKBN1YN02E (Accessed 19 June 2022).2. Patrick Gerard Buchan and Benjamin Rimland, ‘Defining the Diamond: The Past, Present and Future of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue’, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, 16 March 2020 (Accessed 19 June 2022).3. Enrico D’ Ambrogio, ‘The Quad: An Emerging Multilateral Security Framework of Democracies in the Indo-Pacific Region’, European Parliamentary Research Service, March 2021 (Accessed 26 October 2022).4. Patrick Gerard Buchan and Benjamin Rimland, no. 2.5. Wooyeal Paik and Jae Jeok Park, ‘The Quad’s Search for Non-military Roles and China’s Strategic Response: Minilateralism, Infrastructure Investment and Regional Balancing’, Journal of Contemporary China, 30(127), 2020, pp. 36–52. (Accessed 26 October 2022).6. “India-Australia-Japan-US Consultations on Indo-Pacific” at https://mea.gov.in/press-releases.htm?dtl/29110/IndiaAustraliaJapanUS_Consultations_on_IndoPacific_Manila_November_12_2017 (Accessed 02 July 2022).7. Ankit Panda, “US, Japan, India and Australia hold Working-Level Quadrilateral Meeting on Regional Cooperation”, The Diplomat, Washington DC, 13 November 2017 (Accessed 03 July 2022).8. William Choong, ‘The Return of the Indo-Pacific Strategy: An Assessment’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 73(5), 2019, pp. 415–430 (Accessed 15 June 2022).9. Alyssa Ayers, “Pivot to Democracy: The Real Promise of the Quad”, War on the Rocks, 3 January 2019 at https://www.warontherocks.com/2019/01/pivot-to-democracy-the-real-promise-of-the-quad/ (Accessed 05 May 2023).10. William T. Tow, ‘Minilateral Security’s Relevance to US Strategy in the Indo-Pacific: Challenges and Prospects’, The Pacific Review 32(2), 2018, pp. 232–244 (Accessed 11 March 2022).11. Stewart Patrick, ‘The New “New Multilateralism”: Minilateral Cooperation, But at What Cost?’, Global Summitry, 1(2), 2015, pp. 115–134 (Accessed 11 April 2022).12. Benjamin Zala, ‘Taking the Potential Costs of the QUAD Seriously’, in Andrew Carr (ed.) Debating the QUAD, Center of Gravity Series 39, Strategic and Defense Studies Center, Canberra, March 2018, pp. 19–22 (Accessed 15 April 2022).13. Brendon J. Cannon and Ash Rossiter, ‘Locating the Quad: Informality, Institutional Flexibility, and Future Alignment in the Indo-Pacific’, International Politics, 2022 (Accessed 11 January 2023).14. Chenyang Li, ‘The Ideal of Harmony in Ancient Chinese and Greek Philosophy’, Dao 7(1), 2008, pp. 287–308 (Accessed 21 August 2023). See also, Fenzhi Zhang, Xi Jinping: How to read Confucius and other Chinese Classical Thinkers, CN Time Books, New York, 2015 (Accessed 24 August 2023).15. Shaoxing Tao, ‘Deconstructing China Threat Theory: The Pursuit of Harmonious World in the Chinese Dream’, Journal of Nanchang Hongkong University: Social Sciences, 17(1), 2015, 14–21 (Accessed 21 August 2023).16. Linus Hagstrom and Astrid Nordin, ‘China’s Politics of Harmony and the Quest for Soft Power in International Politics’, International Studies Review, 22, 2020,507–525 (Accessed on 25 August 2023).17. Xiangming Zeng, ‘Interpreting the Soft Power of the Chinese Dream’, Fujan Theory Studies, 8, 2014, 4–6(Accessed on 23 August 2023).18. Gilbert Rozman, “The Quad: Contrasting Chinese and US Perceptions”, The ASAN Forum, Korea, 11 June 2021(Accessed 10 May 2022).19. Mrittika Guha Sarkar, ‘China and QUAD 2.0: Between Response and Regional Construct’, Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India, 16(1),2020, pp. 110–130 (Accessed 16 September 2022).20. Joel Wuthnow, “China’s Shifting Attitude on the Indo-Pacific QUAD”, War on the Rocks, 7 April 2021 at https://warontherocks.com/2021/04/chinas-shifting-attitude-on-the-indo-pacific-quad/ (Accessed 12 March 2022).21. Lin Minwang, ‘China’s Evolving Perspectives on the Quad’, East Asian Policy, 14(3), 2022, 5–16 (Accessed on 25 August 2023).22. “China’s Xi allowed to remain president for life as term limits removed”, at https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-43361276 (Accessed 26 August 2023).23. Li Minwang, no. 21.24. P.K. Vasudeva, ‘Sri Lanka’s handing over Hambantota port to China has enormous ramifications’, at http://www.indiandefencereview.com/news/sri-lankas-handing-over-hambantota-port-to-china-has-enormous-ramifications/ (Accessed 27 August 2023).25. Ibid.26. PTI, ‘China Slams QUAD Ahead of 1st In-Person Summit in US, Says Doomed to Fail, The Times of India, New Delhi, 24 September 2021 (Accessed 19 March 2022).27. Shannon Tiezzi, ‘China’s Two-Pronged Response to the Quad’, The Diplomat, Washington DC, 07 October 2020 (Accessed 11 March 2022).28. ‘China Slams QUAD Ahead of 1st In-Person Summit in US, Says Doomed to Fail, no. 26.29. William T. Tow, no. 10. See also Stewart Patrick, no. 1130. “China’s Policies on Asia-Pacific Security Cooperation”, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, 11 January 2017 at www.fmprc.gov.cn (Accessed 29 October 2021).31. Chaobing Qiu, ‘China-ASEAN Relations: Consensus on Principles, Differences On Specifics’, Asia Pacific Bulletin, 238, 31 October 2013(Accessed 17 May 2022).32. “China-ASEAN Relations: Thirty Years and Beyond”, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, 22 January 2021 at https://www.mfa.gov.cn/ce/ceasean//eng/zgwj/t1847919.htm (Accessed 16 March 2022).33. “ASEAN-China Relations” at the http://www.asean-china-center.org/english/2020–03/4613.html (Accessed 16 March 2022).34. Ibid.35. Koh King Kee, ‘The China-ASEAN Relations in the Era of Big Power Competition’, China Today, Beijing, 21 January 2022 (Accessed 12 April 2023).36. Gary Klintworth, ‘China’s Evolving Relationship with APEC’, International Journal: Canada’s Journal of Global Policy Analysis, 50(3), 1995, pp. 488–515 (Accessed 14 December 2022).37. Fernando Delage Carretero, ‘The Asia Strategy of Xi Jinping’, Journal of the Spanish Institute for Strategic Studies, 5, 2015, pp. 2–34 (Accessed 15 April 2022).38. Amitav Acharya, ‘Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia’, 2001, Routledge London(Accessed on 26 August 2023). See also Amitav Acharya, ‘The myth of ASEAN centrality?’, Contemporary Southeast Asia, 39 (2), 2017, pp. 273–279. (Accessed 7 September 2022).39. Fernando Delage Carretero, no. 37.40. “China’s Policies on Asia-Pacific Security Cooperation”, The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China, First Edition 2017 at http://www.xinhuanet.com//english/china/2017–01/11/c_135973695.htm (Accessed 25 February 2022).41. “China’s Policies on Asia-Pacific Security Cooperation”, no. 40.42. Acting on the Global Security Initiative to Safeguard World Peace and Tranquility”, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, 2022 at https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjdt_665385/zyjh_665391/202205/t20220505_10681820.html (Accessed 10 September 2022).43. Mordechai Chaziza, “The Global Security Initiative: China’s New Security Architecture for the Gulf”, The Diplomat, Washington DC, 25 August 2023.44. Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury, “China’s South China Sea Actions faces Counter Reactions from International Community”, The Economic Times, 02 February 2022(Accessed 07 August 2022).45. Associated Press, “China has fully militarized Three Islands in South China Sea, US Admiral says”, The Guardian, 21 March 2022 (Accessed 20 September 2022).46. “United States National Security Strategy 2017” at https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/NSS-Final-12-18-2017–0905.pdf (Accessed 24 November 2022).47. Xi Jinping, “Secure a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and strive for the great success of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era” China Daily, 2017 (Accessed 21 May 2022).48. “Vision and Actions on jointly building Belt and Road” at http://2017.beltandroadforum.org/english/n100/2017/0410/c22–45.html (Accessed 13 June 2022).49. Masahiro Matsumura, ‘A Realist Approach to Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy vs. China’s Belt and Road Initiative: A Propaganda Rivalry’, International Journal of China Studies, 10(2), 2019, pp. 131–155. (Accessed 11 April 2023)50. Enrico Cau, ‘Geopolitical implications of the Belt and Road Initiative: The backbone for a New World Order?’, Contemporary Chinese Political, Economic and Strategic Relations, 4(1), 2018, pp. 39–105 (Accessed 04 May 2023).51. Daojiong Zha, ‘China’s Economic Diplomacy: Focusing on the Asia-Pacific Region’, China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies, 1(1), 2015, pp. 85–104. (Accessed 19 June 2022).52. Francois Godement and Agatha Kratz, “One Belt, One Road: China’s Great Leap Outward”, European Council on Foreign Relations, p. 6 (Accessed 17 August 2022).Additional informationNotes on contributorsTayyaba JafferyMs Tayyaba Jaffery is a PhD Candidate at the Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Management and Technology, Lahore, Pakistan. Her ongoing doctoral thesis is on “US-Strategic Partnership in Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) (2007–2020): Implications for China in the Indo-Pacific”. She also holds an MPhil degree in International Relations from Kinnaird College for Women, Lahore, Pakistan. Her previous researches are based on the political dynamics of Asia-Pacific and Africa.Muhammad Shoaib PervezMuhammad Shoaib Pervez, Phd Leiden University, Holland (2010), Fulbright Post-Doctoral fellow Columbia University, New York (2015) is the Chair of the Department of Political Science and International Relations at University of Management and Technology Lahore, Pakistan. His first book ‘Security Community in South Asia: India-Pakistan’, 2013, New York: Routledge, has won the ‘Outstanding Research Award’ from Government of Pakistan. His second book also published by Routledge titled ‘Radicalization in Pakistan: A Critical Perspective’ has been reviewed very positively in the journal Critical Studies on Terrorism (Vol 14: 3, 2021). 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http://www.news/worldasia-43361276(访问日期:2023年8月26日)。李敏旺,不。21.24. P.K. Vasudeva,“斯里兰卡将汉班托塔港移交给中国具有巨大的影响”,http://www.indiandefencereview.com/news/sri-lankas-handing-over-hambantota-port-to-china-has-enormous-ramifications/(访问日期:2023年8月27日)。Ibid.26。PTI,“中国在美首次面对面峰会前抨击四方战略,称注定失败”,《印度时报》,新德里,2021年9月24日(访问日期为2022年3月19日)。28. Shannon Tiezzi,“中国对四方对话的双管齐下回应”,《外交官》,华盛顿特区,2020年10月7日(访问时间为2022年3月11日)。中国在美首次面对面峰会前猛烈抨击四方对话,称注定失败,不。26.29. 威廉·t·托,不。10. 还有斯图尔特·帕特里克,不。1130. 31.《中国对亚太安全合作的政策》,中华人民共和国外交部,2017年1月11日,www.fmprc.gov.cn(2021年10月29日访问)。32.邱超兵:“中国-东盟关系:原则共识,细节分歧”,《亚太通报》,第238期,2013年10月31日(2022年5月17日)33.《中国-东盟关系:30年与未来》,中华人民共和国外交部,2021年1月22日,https://www.mfa.gov.cn/ce/ceasean//eng/zgwj/t1847919.htm(2022年3月16日访问)。34.《东盟与中国关系》,网址:http://www.asean-china-center.org/english/2020 -03/4613.html(2022年3月16日访问)。Ibid.35。Koh King Kee,“大国竞争时代的中国-东盟关系”,《今日中国》,北京,2022年1月21日(2023年4月12日访问)。Gary Klintworth,“中国与APEC关系的演变”,《国际期刊:加拿大全球政策分析期刊》,1995年第50期,第488-515页(访问日期:2022年12月14日)。阿米塔夫·阿查里亚,《构建东南亚的安全共同体》,2001年,伦敦劳特利奇出版社(2023年8月26日访问)。参见Amitav Acharya的《东盟中心地位的神话?《当代东南亚》,2017年第39期,页273-279。(获得于2022年9月7日)。费尔南多·德拉吉·卡雷特罗,不是。37.40. 41.《中国的亚太安全合作政策》,中华人民共和国国务院新闻办公室,2017年第1版,网址:http://www.xinhuanet.com//english/china/2017 -01/11 /c_135973695.htm(于2022年2月25日访问)。《中国对亚太安全合作的政策》,第5号。40.42. 43.《践行全球安全倡议,维护世界和平与安宁》,中华人民共和国外交部,2022,网址:https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjdt_665385/zyjh_665391/202205/t20220505_10681820.html(2022年9月10日访问)。Mordechai Chaziza,“全球安全倡议:中国的海湾安全新架构”,《外交官》杂志,2023.44年8月25日。Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury,“中国南海行动面临国际社会的反制”,《经济时报》,2022年2月2日(访问日期:2022年8月7日)。美联社,“美国海军上将称,中国已将南海三个岛屿全面军事化”,《卫报》,2022年3月21日(访问时间为2022年9月20日)。47.《2017年美国国家安全战略》,网址:https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/NSS-Final-12-18-2017 -0905.pdf(访问日期:2022年11月24日)。49.《共建“一带一路”的愿景与行动》,网址:http://2017.beltandroadforum.org/english/n100/2017/0410/c22 -45.html(2022年6月13日访问)。松村雅弘,“日本自由开放的印太战略与中国“一带一路”倡议:宣传竞争的现实主义方法”,《国际中国研究杂志》,2019年第10期,第131-155页。(2023年4月11日访问)恩里科·考:《“一带一路”倡议的地缘政治影响:世界新秩序的支柱?》《当代中国政治、经济与战略关系》,2018年第4期,第39-105页(2023年5月4日访问)。查道炯:《中国经济外交:聚焦亚太地区》,《中国国际战略研究季刊》,2015年第1期,第85-104页。(2022年6月19日访问)。Francois Godement和Agatha Kratz,“一带一路:中国的大跃进”,欧洲对外关系委员会,第6页(访问日期:2022年8月17日)。作者简介:塔亚巴·贾弗瑞女士是巴基斯坦拉合尔管理与技术大学政治科学与国际关系系的博士研究生。 她正在进行的博士论文是“四方安全对话(QUAD)中的美国战略伙伴关系(2007-2020):对中国在印度太平洋的影响”。她还拥有巴基斯坦拉合尔Kinnaird女子学院国际关系硕士学位。她以前的研究是基于亚太和非洲的政治动态。Muhammad Shoaib Pervez,荷兰莱顿大学博士(2010年),纽约哥伦比亚大学富布赖特博士后(2015年),巴基斯坦拉合尔管理与技术大学政治科学与国际关系系主任。他的第一本书《南亚的安全共同体:印度-巴基斯坦》,2013年,纽约:劳特利奇出版社出版,获得巴基斯坦政府颁发的“杰出研究奖”。他的第二本书也由劳特利奇出版,名为“巴基斯坦的激进化:一个批判的视角”,在《恐怖主义批判研究》杂志上得到了非常积极的评价(Vol 14: 3,2021)。他还在《国际政治》、《东南亚研究杂志》、《国际事务》等同行评议期刊上发表了大量文章。
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China’s Response Towards QUAD in the Indo-Pacific: A Paradoxical Strategy?
AbstractIn response to China’s phenomenal rise in the Indo-Pacific, the United States and its allies have institutionalized the QUAD. This article seeks to critique the novel construct of ‘Harmonious Realism’ and argues that the Chinese strategy for an Indo-Pacific regional order is paradoxical in nature. This paradox entails dichotomy between China’s rhetoric and practices in its institutional, strategic and economic aspects which can be empirically corroborated by the way China relates to ASEAN, its effort to seek an alternate model of security, and ensure economic interconnectivity through the BRI—all of which is counter-intuitive to China’s rhetoric of peaceful co-existence.keywords: Asia-PacificQuadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD)Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)ChinaIndo-pacific Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. “15 Years On, A Look Back at the Boxing Day Tsunami” at https://www.reuters.com/article/us-indianocean-tsunami-file-idUSKBN1YN02E (Accessed 19 June 2022).2. Patrick Gerard Buchan and Benjamin Rimland, ‘Defining the Diamond: The Past, Present and Future of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue’, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, 16 March 2020 (Accessed 19 June 2022).3. Enrico D’ Ambrogio, ‘The Quad: An Emerging Multilateral Security Framework of Democracies in the Indo-Pacific Region’, European Parliamentary Research Service, March 2021 (Accessed 26 October 2022).4. Patrick Gerard Buchan and Benjamin Rimland, no. 2.5. Wooyeal Paik and Jae Jeok Park, ‘The Quad’s Search for Non-military Roles and China’s Strategic Response: Minilateralism, Infrastructure Investment and Regional Balancing’, Journal of Contemporary China, 30(127), 2020, pp. 36–52. (Accessed 26 October 2022).6. “India-Australia-Japan-US Consultations on Indo-Pacific” at https://mea.gov.in/press-releases.htm?dtl/29110/IndiaAustraliaJapanUS_Consultations_on_IndoPacific_Manila_November_12_2017 (Accessed 02 July 2022).7. Ankit Panda, “US, Japan, India and Australia hold Working-Level Quadrilateral Meeting on Regional Cooperation”, The Diplomat, Washington DC, 13 November 2017 (Accessed 03 July 2022).8. William Choong, ‘The Return of the Indo-Pacific Strategy: An Assessment’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 73(5), 2019, pp. 415–430 (Accessed 15 June 2022).9. Alyssa Ayers, “Pivot to Democracy: The Real Promise of the Quad”, War on the Rocks, 3 January 2019 at https://www.warontherocks.com/2019/01/pivot-to-democracy-the-real-promise-of-the-quad/ (Accessed 05 May 2023).10. William T. Tow, ‘Minilateral Security’s Relevance to US Strategy in the Indo-Pacific: Challenges and Prospects’, The Pacific Review 32(2), 2018, pp. 232–244 (Accessed 11 March 2022).11. Stewart Patrick, ‘The New “New Multilateralism”: Minilateral Cooperation, But at What Cost?’, Global Summitry, 1(2), 2015, pp. 115–134 (Accessed 11 April 2022).12. Benjamin Zala, ‘Taking the Potential Costs of the QUAD Seriously’, in Andrew Carr (ed.) Debating the QUAD, Center of Gravity Series 39, Strategic and Defense Studies Center, Canberra, March 2018, pp. 19–22 (Accessed 15 April 2022).13. Brendon J. Cannon and Ash Rossiter, ‘Locating the Quad: Informality, Institutional Flexibility, and Future Alignment in the Indo-Pacific’, International Politics, 2022 (Accessed 11 January 2023).14. Chenyang Li, ‘The Ideal of Harmony in Ancient Chinese and Greek Philosophy’, Dao 7(1), 2008, pp. 287–308 (Accessed 21 August 2023). See also, Fenzhi Zhang, Xi Jinping: How to read Confucius and other Chinese Classical Thinkers, CN Time Books, New York, 2015 (Accessed 24 August 2023).15. Shaoxing Tao, ‘Deconstructing China Threat Theory: The Pursuit of Harmonious World in the Chinese Dream’, Journal of Nanchang Hongkong University: Social Sciences, 17(1), 2015, 14–21 (Accessed 21 August 2023).16. Linus Hagstrom and Astrid Nordin, ‘China’s Politics of Harmony and the Quest for Soft Power in International Politics’, International Studies Review, 22, 2020,507–525 (Accessed on 25 August 2023).17. Xiangming Zeng, ‘Interpreting the Soft Power of the Chinese Dream’, Fujan Theory Studies, 8, 2014, 4–6(Accessed on 23 August 2023).18. Gilbert Rozman, “The Quad: Contrasting Chinese and US Perceptions”, The ASAN Forum, Korea, 11 June 2021(Accessed 10 May 2022).19. Mrittika Guha Sarkar, ‘China and QUAD 2.0: Between Response and Regional Construct’, Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India, 16(1),2020, pp. 110–130 (Accessed 16 September 2022).20. Joel Wuthnow, “China’s Shifting Attitude on the Indo-Pacific QUAD”, War on the Rocks, 7 April 2021 at https://warontherocks.com/2021/04/chinas-shifting-attitude-on-the-indo-pacific-quad/ (Accessed 12 March 2022).21. Lin Minwang, ‘China’s Evolving Perspectives on the Quad’, East Asian Policy, 14(3), 2022, 5–16 (Accessed on 25 August 2023).22. “China’s Xi allowed to remain president for life as term limits removed”, at https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-43361276 (Accessed 26 August 2023).23. Li Minwang, no. 21.24. P.K. Vasudeva, ‘Sri Lanka’s handing over Hambantota port to China has enormous ramifications’, at http://www.indiandefencereview.com/news/sri-lankas-handing-over-hambantota-port-to-china-has-enormous-ramifications/ (Accessed 27 August 2023).25. Ibid.26. PTI, ‘China Slams QUAD Ahead of 1st In-Person Summit in US, Says Doomed to Fail, The Times of India, New Delhi, 24 September 2021 (Accessed 19 March 2022).27. Shannon Tiezzi, ‘China’s Two-Pronged Response to the Quad’, The Diplomat, Washington DC, 07 October 2020 (Accessed 11 March 2022).28. ‘China Slams QUAD Ahead of 1st In-Person Summit in US, Says Doomed to Fail, no. 26.29. William T. Tow, no. 10. See also Stewart Patrick, no. 1130. “China’s Policies on Asia-Pacific Security Cooperation”, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, 11 January 2017 at www.fmprc.gov.cn (Accessed 29 October 2021).31. Chaobing Qiu, ‘China-ASEAN Relations: Consensus on Principles, Differences On Specifics’, Asia Pacific Bulletin, 238, 31 October 2013(Accessed 17 May 2022).32. “China-ASEAN Relations: Thirty Years and Beyond”, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, 22 January 2021 at https://www.mfa.gov.cn/ce/ceasean//eng/zgwj/t1847919.htm (Accessed 16 March 2022).33. “ASEAN-China Relations” at the http://www.asean-china-center.org/english/2020–03/4613.html (Accessed 16 March 2022).34. Ibid.35. Koh King Kee, ‘The China-ASEAN Relations in the Era of Big Power Competition’, China Today, Beijing, 21 January 2022 (Accessed 12 April 2023).36. Gary Klintworth, ‘China’s Evolving Relationship with APEC’, International Journal: Canada’s Journal of Global Policy Analysis, 50(3), 1995, pp. 488–515 (Accessed 14 December 2022).37. Fernando Delage Carretero, ‘The Asia Strategy of Xi Jinping’, Journal of the Spanish Institute for Strategic Studies, 5, 2015, pp. 2–34 (Accessed 15 April 2022).38. Amitav Acharya, ‘Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia’, 2001, Routledge London(Accessed on 26 August 2023). See also Amitav Acharya, ‘The myth of ASEAN centrality?’, Contemporary Southeast Asia, 39 (2), 2017, pp. 273–279. (Accessed 7 September 2022).39. Fernando Delage Carretero, no. 37.40. “China’s Policies on Asia-Pacific Security Cooperation”, The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China, First Edition 2017 at http://www.xinhuanet.com//english/china/2017–01/11/c_135973695.htm (Accessed 25 February 2022).41. “China’s Policies on Asia-Pacific Security Cooperation”, no. 40.42. Acting on the Global Security Initiative to Safeguard World Peace and Tranquility”, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, 2022 at https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjdt_665385/zyjh_665391/202205/t20220505_10681820.html (Accessed 10 September 2022).43. Mordechai Chaziza, “The Global Security Initiative: China’s New Security Architecture for the Gulf”, The Diplomat, Washington DC, 25 August 2023.44. Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury, “China’s South China Sea Actions faces Counter Reactions from International Community”, The Economic Times, 02 February 2022(Accessed 07 August 2022).45. Associated Press, “China has fully militarized Three Islands in South China Sea, US Admiral says”, The Guardian, 21 March 2022 (Accessed 20 September 2022).46. “United States National Security Strategy 2017” at https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/NSS-Final-12-18-2017–0905.pdf (Accessed 24 November 2022).47. Xi Jinping, “Secure a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and strive for the great success of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era” China Daily, 2017 (Accessed 21 May 2022).48. “Vision and Actions on jointly building Belt and Road” at http://2017.beltandroadforum.org/english/n100/2017/0410/c22–45.html (Accessed 13 June 2022).49. Masahiro Matsumura, ‘A Realist Approach to Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy vs. China’s Belt and Road Initiative: A Propaganda Rivalry’, International Journal of China Studies, 10(2), 2019, pp. 131–155. (Accessed 11 April 2023)50. Enrico Cau, ‘Geopolitical implications of the Belt and Road Initiative: The backbone for a New World Order?’, Contemporary Chinese Political, Economic and Strategic Relations, 4(1), 2018, pp. 39–105 (Accessed 04 May 2023).51. Daojiong Zha, ‘China’s Economic Diplomacy: Focusing on the Asia-Pacific Region’, China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies, 1(1), 2015, pp. 85–104. (Accessed 19 June 2022).52. Francois Godement and Agatha Kratz, “One Belt, One Road: China’s Great Leap Outward”, European Council on Foreign Relations, p. 6 (Accessed 17 August 2022).Additional informationNotes on contributorsTayyaba JafferyMs Tayyaba Jaffery is a PhD Candidate at the Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Management and Technology, Lahore, Pakistan. Her ongoing doctoral thesis is on “US-Strategic Partnership in Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) (2007–2020): Implications for China in the Indo-Pacific”. She also holds an MPhil degree in International Relations from Kinnaird College for Women, Lahore, Pakistan. Her previous researches are based on the political dynamics of Asia-Pacific and Africa.Muhammad Shoaib PervezMuhammad Shoaib Pervez, Phd Leiden University, Holland (2010), Fulbright Post-Doctoral fellow Columbia University, New York (2015) is the Chair of the Department of Political Science and International Relations at University of Management and Technology Lahore, Pakistan. His first book ‘Security Community in South Asia: India-Pakistan’, 2013, New York: Routledge, has won the ‘Outstanding Research Award’ from Government of Pakistan. His second book also published by Routledge titled ‘Radicalization in Pakistan: A Critical Perspective’ has been reviewed very positively in the journal Critical Studies on Terrorism (Vol 14: 3, 2021). He has also published numerous articles in peer reviewed journals like International Politics, South East Asian Research Journal, and International Affairs.
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Strategic Analysis
Strategic Analysis INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS-
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