{"title":"打破僵局还是创新城市政策?社会行动主义在意大利南部城市更新过程中的作用","authors":"Carla Tedesco","doi":"10.1080/02697459.2023.2267917","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the role of self-organization initiatives within conflicting urban planning processes. It draws on the debate developed around the use of the concepts of ‘trading zone’ and ‘boundary object’ in planning studies and focuses on a single case study: the regeneration of the Rossani barracks in Bari, Southern Italy. This long process is paradigmatic of current urban regeneration processes in relation to the plurality of actors involved and the projects developed. It allows for a general reflection on the implementation of solutions belonging to different strategic viewpoints, enabling impasses to be overcome even when actors remain in conflict.KEYWORDS: Urban regenerationsocial innovationtrading zoneboundary objectconflictual planning processes AcknowledgmentsThanks to Giovanni Laino for his initial suggestion to frame this process using the trading zone perspective and to Angela Barbanente who read a draft version of this paper. Thanks also to the editor and an anonymous referee for their helpful comments. Figures 1 and 7 credits to Patrizia Pirro. Figures 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 credits to Michele Cera.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Among others: Healey (Citation1997); Innes (Citation1995); and Forester (Citation1989). In particular, it has been acknowledged that people from diverse backgrounds co-exist in spaces where they live and work, as they often share common concerns for the development of these places, ‘even though they do not share a “moral order”, or many of their other relations, with their neighbours’ (Healey, Citation1997, p. 124).2. Bari (which has about 320,000 inhabitants) is ranked ninth in terms of population among the 16 Italian cities with a population of more than 200,000 inhabitants. Its master plan, approved in 1976, is the second oldest among those of cities of its size, after Catania’s plan, which was approved in 1969 (Calace, Citation2021).3. This allowed the author to access several informal documents and to take part in formal and informal meetings of the decision-making process in the 2014–2019 period. Afterwards, in 2022, this paper was updated through carrying out interviews, consulting official documents and doing press reviews.4. From 2010 to 2012 the public institution tasked with conserving Italy’s heritage recognized the historical-architectural value of the complex of buildings through giving it protected status.5. The project included the restoration of around 80,000 cubic metres of buildings, and the construction of around 100,000 cubic meters of new buildings for commercial galleries, restaurants, offices, living spaces. An underground car park with 1000 spaces was also included in the project.6. These concerned, for instance, the noise during events organized in the barracks.7. I was deputy mayor in the municipality government from July 2014 to June 2019. Hence July 2014 is a watershed moment in this story for me, as I became an actor in the process.8. A national government consultancy charged with supporting local administrations in implementing urban projects.9. According to Mayer (Citation2013, p. 11), these groups include: ‘radical autonomous, anarchist and alternative groups and various leftist organizations; middle-class urbanites who seek to defend their accustomed quality of life; disparate groups that share a precarious existence, whether in the informal sector, in the creative industries or among college students; artists and other creative professionals which may cut across these backgrounds; frequently, local environmental groups that fight problematic energy, climate or development policies, and finally, but in Europe so far rarely present: the marginalized, excluded, oppressed, people of color’.10. Even the dialogue between different groups of social activists was not easy. They do not have shared values, even though they coexist in the same space and share the use of some boundary objects.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the IUAV University of Venice [Fondi per la ricerca 2020-linea 1a].","PeriodicalId":54201,"journal":{"name":"Planning Practice and Research","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Overcoming an impasse or innovating urban policy? The role of social activism within conflictual urban regeneration processes in Southern Italy\",\"authors\":\"Carla Tedesco\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/02697459.2023.2267917\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the role of self-organization initiatives within conflicting urban planning processes. It draws on the debate developed around the use of the concepts of ‘trading zone’ and ‘boundary object’ in planning studies and focuses on a single case study: the regeneration of the Rossani barracks in Bari, Southern Italy. This long process is paradigmatic of current urban regeneration processes in relation to the plurality of actors involved and the projects developed. It allows for a general reflection on the implementation of solutions belonging to different strategic viewpoints, enabling impasses to be overcome even when actors remain in conflict.KEYWORDS: Urban regenerationsocial innovationtrading zoneboundary objectconflictual planning processes AcknowledgmentsThanks to Giovanni Laino for his initial suggestion to frame this process using the trading zone perspective and to Angela Barbanente who read a draft version of this paper. Thanks also to the editor and an anonymous referee for their helpful comments. Figures 1 and 7 credits to Patrizia Pirro. Figures 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 credits to Michele Cera.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Among others: Healey (Citation1997); Innes (Citation1995); and Forester (Citation1989). In particular, it has been acknowledged that people from diverse backgrounds co-exist in spaces where they live and work, as they often share common concerns for the development of these places, ‘even though they do not share a “moral order”, or many of their other relations, with their neighbours’ (Healey, Citation1997, p. 124).2. Bari (which has about 320,000 inhabitants) is ranked ninth in terms of population among the 16 Italian cities with a population of more than 200,000 inhabitants. Its master plan, approved in 1976, is the second oldest among those of cities of its size, after Catania’s plan, which was approved in 1969 (Calace, Citation2021).3. This allowed the author to access several informal documents and to take part in formal and informal meetings of the decision-making process in the 2014–2019 period. Afterwards, in 2022, this paper was updated through carrying out interviews, consulting official documents and doing press reviews.4. From 2010 to 2012 the public institution tasked with conserving Italy’s heritage recognized the historical-architectural value of the complex of buildings through giving it protected status.5. The project included the restoration of around 80,000 cubic metres of buildings, and the construction of around 100,000 cubic meters of new buildings for commercial galleries, restaurants, offices, living spaces. An underground car park with 1000 spaces was also included in the project.6. These concerned, for instance, the noise during events organized in the barracks.7. I was deputy mayor in the municipality government from July 2014 to June 2019. Hence July 2014 is a watershed moment in this story for me, as I became an actor in the process.8. A national government consultancy charged with supporting local administrations in implementing urban projects.9. According to Mayer (Citation2013, p. 11), these groups include: ‘radical autonomous, anarchist and alternative groups and various leftist organizations; middle-class urbanites who seek to defend their accustomed quality of life; disparate groups that share a precarious existence, whether in the informal sector, in the creative industries or among college students; artists and other creative professionals which may cut across these backgrounds; frequently, local environmental groups that fight problematic energy, climate or development policies, and finally, but in Europe so far rarely present: the marginalized, excluded, oppressed, people of color’.10. Even the dialogue between different groups of social activists was not easy. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
摘要本文探讨了自组织倡议在相互冲突的城市规划过程中的作用。它借鉴了在规划研究中围绕“贸易区”和“边界对象”概念的使用展开的辩论,并专注于一个案例研究:意大利南部巴里的Rossani军营的再生。这个漫长的过程是当前城市更新过程的范例,涉及到多个参与者和开发的项目。它允许对属于不同战略观点的解决办法的执行情况进行总体反思,即使行动者仍然处于冲突中,也能够克服僵局。关键词:城市再生、社会创新、贸易区、边界目标、冲突规划过程致谢感谢Giovanni Laino最初提出的使用贸易区视角来构建这一过程的建议,感谢Angela Barbanente阅读了本文的草稿。同时也感谢编辑和一位匿名推荐人提供的有益意见。图1和图7归于帕特里齐亚·皮罗。图2、3、4、5和6学分给Michele Cera。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。其中包括:希利(Citation1997);Innes (Citation1995);和Forester (Citation1989)。特别是,人们已经认识到,来自不同背景的人在他们生活和工作的空间中共存,因为他们经常对这些地方的发展有共同的关注,“即使他们与邻居没有共同的‘道德秩序’或许多其他关系”(Healey, Citation1997, p. 124)。巴里(约有32万居民)在人口超过20万的16个意大利城市中排名第九。它的总体规划于1976年获得批准,是同规模城市中第二古老的规划,仅次于卡塔尼亚的规划,后者于1969年获得批准(Calace, Citation2021)。这使提交人能够接触到一些非正式文件,并参加了2014-2019年期间决策过程的正式和非正式会议。之后,在2022年,通过采访、查阅官方文件、媒体评论等方式对本文进行了更新。从2010年到2012年,负责保护意大利遗产的公共机构通过赋予其保护地位,认识到建筑群的历史建筑价值。该项目包括修复约8万立方米的建筑,并建造约10万立方米的新建筑,用于商业画廊、餐厅、办公室和生活空间。该项目还包括一个拥有1000个停车位的地下停车场。例如,在营房组织活动时发出的噪音。2014年7月至2019年6月任市政府副市长。因此,2014年7月对我来说是这个故事的分水岭,因为我在这个过程中成为了一名演员。负责支持地方行政部门实施城市项目的国家政府顾问公司。根据Mayer (Citation2013, p. 11),这些团体包括:“激进自治、无政府主义和另类团体以及各种左翼组织;中产阶级城市居民试图维护他们习惯的生活质量;无论是在非正规部门、创意产业还是大学生中,生活不稳定的不同群体;艺术家和其他可能跨越这些背景的创意专业人士;通常,当地的环保团体反对有问题的能源、气候或发展政策,最后,但在欧洲迄今很少出现:边缘化、被排斥、受压迫的有色人种。即使是不同社会活动家群体之间的对话也不容易。它们没有共同的价值观,即使它们共存于同一空间,共享一些边界对象的使用。本研究得到了威尼斯大学的资助[Fondi per la ricerca 2020- line1a]。
Overcoming an impasse or innovating urban policy? The role of social activism within conflictual urban regeneration processes in Southern Italy
ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the role of self-organization initiatives within conflicting urban planning processes. It draws on the debate developed around the use of the concepts of ‘trading zone’ and ‘boundary object’ in planning studies and focuses on a single case study: the regeneration of the Rossani barracks in Bari, Southern Italy. This long process is paradigmatic of current urban regeneration processes in relation to the plurality of actors involved and the projects developed. It allows for a general reflection on the implementation of solutions belonging to different strategic viewpoints, enabling impasses to be overcome even when actors remain in conflict.KEYWORDS: Urban regenerationsocial innovationtrading zoneboundary objectconflictual planning processes AcknowledgmentsThanks to Giovanni Laino for his initial suggestion to frame this process using the trading zone perspective and to Angela Barbanente who read a draft version of this paper. Thanks also to the editor and an anonymous referee for their helpful comments. Figures 1 and 7 credits to Patrizia Pirro. Figures 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 credits to Michele Cera.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Among others: Healey (Citation1997); Innes (Citation1995); and Forester (Citation1989). In particular, it has been acknowledged that people from diverse backgrounds co-exist in spaces where they live and work, as they often share common concerns for the development of these places, ‘even though they do not share a “moral order”, or many of their other relations, with their neighbours’ (Healey, Citation1997, p. 124).2. Bari (which has about 320,000 inhabitants) is ranked ninth in terms of population among the 16 Italian cities with a population of more than 200,000 inhabitants. Its master plan, approved in 1976, is the second oldest among those of cities of its size, after Catania’s plan, which was approved in 1969 (Calace, Citation2021).3. This allowed the author to access several informal documents and to take part in formal and informal meetings of the decision-making process in the 2014–2019 period. Afterwards, in 2022, this paper was updated through carrying out interviews, consulting official documents and doing press reviews.4. From 2010 to 2012 the public institution tasked with conserving Italy’s heritage recognized the historical-architectural value of the complex of buildings through giving it protected status.5. The project included the restoration of around 80,000 cubic metres of buildings, and the construction of around 100,000 cubic meters of new buildings for commercial galleries, restaurants, offices, living spaces. An underground car park with 1000 spaces was also included in the project.6. These concerned, for instance, the noise during events organized in the barracks.7. I was deputy mayor in the municipality government from July 2014 to June 2019. Hence July 2014 is a watershed moment in this story for me, as I became an actor in the process.8. A national government consultancy charged with supporting local administrations in implementing urban projects.9. According to Mayer (Citation2013, p. 11), these groups include: ‘radical autonomous, anarchist and alternative groups and various leftist organizations; middle-class urbanites who seek to defend their accustomed quality of life; disparate groups that share a precarious existence, whether in the informal sector, in the creative industries or among college students; artists and other creative professionals which may cut across these backgrounds; frequently, local environmental groups that fight problematic energy, climate or development policies, and finally, but in Europe so far rarely present: the marginalized, excluded, oppressed, people of color’.10. Even the dialogue between different groups of social activists was not easy. They do not have shared values, even though they coexist in the same space and share the use of some boundary objects.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the IUAV University of Venice [Fondi per la ricerca 2020-linea 1a].
期刊介绍:
Over the last decade, Planning Practice & Research (PPR) has established itself as the source for information on current research in planning practice. It is intended for reflective, critical academics, professionals and students who are concerned to keep abreast of and challenge current thinking. PPR is committed to: •bridging the gaps between planning research, practice and education, and between different planning systems •providing a forum for an international readership to discuss and review research on planning practice