《看到红色:土著土地、美洲扩张和北美掠夺的政治经济学》

IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Agricultural History Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI:10.1215/00021482-10474548
Gabrielle Guillerm
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Whereas the United States expelled by force most Indigenous peoples living between the Appalachians and the Mississippi River through its infamous Indian Removal policy, Witgen asserts that US officials dealing with the Anishinaabeg implemented a different approach, which he calls a “political economy of plunder.” With this new concept, Witgen makes an important contribution to our understanding of Indigenous dispossession in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, demonstrating that, in the Upper Great Lakes, the US empire acted less as the settler empire it sought to be than as a traditional exogenous colonizer exploiting Native peoples and their resources.The opening chapter, “A Nation of Settlers,” explores the legal mechanisms that the United States devised to colonize the Northwest Territory (today's states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin) following the American Revolution. The 1787 Northwest Ordinance was the key piece of legislation organizing the territory's transition into states and regulating the sale of land from the public domain to US settlers. As Witgen explains, the provisions of the Northwest Ordinance were grounded in a political fantasy of the Northwest as empty land devoid of Indigenous presence. Even though US officials and settlers knew that Indigenous peoples still lived on these unceded lands, they nonetheless believed that Indigenous peoples could claim title to the land but did not properly own it because, unlike Euro-Americans, they lived in an alleged state of nature without private property and farms. For the US settler state, the idea of Indigenous self-determination on Indigenous land was simply unthinkable. Instead, US westward expansion demanded the elimination of Indigenous peoples from the land, through either removal or assimilation.Moving chronologically, the four other chapters illuminate how, time and again, the United States failed to implement its settler vision in the Michigan Territory, resorting, instead, to the political economy of plunder. Unlike the southern part of the Northwest Territory (Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois) that saw a rapid settler invasion of Indigenous homelands after 1783, the Michigan Territory long remained dominated by the fur trade, which required the ongoing presence of Anishinaabe families hunting and processing the furs. Into the 1830s, the Anishinaabeg dominated the demography in most areas of the Michigan Territory. Individual stories, such as the experience of anglophone Protestant missionary William Boutwell, who felt like an outsider in an Anishinaabe-speaking world dominated by kinship ties rather than private property, convincingly illustrate how elusive US ambitions to settler sovereignty over the region were. In this context, US officials relied on traders and Indian agents with kinship ties to the Anishinaabeg to bring the latter to the treaty table and fraudulently negotiate land cessions, starting with the 1819 Treaty of Saginaw. Understanding that the fur trade was in decline, traders intended to profit from the treaties by claiming much of the cash that the United States paid the Anishinaabeg for their lands as debt and by providing the trade goods promised in various treaties. Contrary to the familiar focus on removal, Witgen illuminates how plundering annuities paid to the Anishinaabeg for decades was what benefited traders the most in the absence of a large white settler population. While impoverished and reduced to a fraction of their former territory, the Anishinaabeg evaded removal, forcing the United States “to see itself as a nation of settlers living on stolen land” (337).A short review cannot do justice to Witgen's fine analysis or the multiple subarguments he develops. Witgen is to be commended for emphasizing the ongoing legacy of the economy of plunder into the twenty-first century and calling for a reckoning with the United States' original sin of Indigenous land theft, not just the sin of enslavement. In fact, Witgen masterfully illustrates the intricacy of settler colonialism and anti-Black racism in the early nineteenth century by analyzing how the states carved from the Northwest Territory were premised not only on Natives' dispossession and elimination but also on the exclusion of free Black people through a series of black codes. 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Whereas the United States expelled by force most Indigenous peoples living between the Appalachians and the Mississippi River through its infamous Indian Removal policy, Witgen asserts that US officials dealing with the Anishinaabeg implemented a different approach, which he calls a “political economy of plunder.” With this new concept, Witgen makes an important contribution to our understanding of Indigenous dispossession in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, demonstrating that, in the Upper Great Lakes, the US empire acted less as the settler empire it sought to be than as a traditional exogenous colonizer exploiting Native peoples and their resources.The opening chapter, “A Nation of Settlers,” explores the legal mechanisms that the United States devised to colonize the Northwest Territory (today's states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin) following the American Revolution. The 1787 Northwest Ordinance was the key piece of legislation organizing the territory's transition into states and regulating the sale of land from the public domain to US settlers. As Witgen explains, the provisions of the Northwest Ordinance were grounded in a political fantasy of the Northwest as empty land devoid of Indigenous presence. Even though US officials and settlers knew that Indigenous peoples still lived on these unceded lands, they nonetheless believed that Indigenous peoples could claim title to the land but did not properly own it because, unlike Euro-Americans, they lived in an alleged state of nature without private property and farms. For the US settler state, the idea of Indigenous self-determination on Indigenous land was simply unthinkable. 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Contrary to the familiar focus on removal, Witgen illuminates how plundering annuities paid to the Anishinaabeg for decades was what benefited traders the most in the absence of a large white settler population. While impoverished and reduced to a fraction of their former territory, the Anishinaabeg evaded removal, forcing the United States “to see itself as a nation of settlers living on stolen land” (337).A short review cannot do justice to Witgen's fine analysis or the multiple subarguments he develops. Witgen is to be commended for emphasizing the ongoing legacy of the economy of plunder into the twenty-first century and calling for a reckoning with the United States' original sin of Indigenous land theft, not just the sin of enslavement. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

《看见红色》的核心内容是,随着美国这个新独立的国家试图将原住民的家园转变为美国人的家园,大量土地从阿尼什纳阿贝格转移到美国。迈克尔·维根(Michael witgen)是一位阿尼什纳贝学者,他关注的是1783年美国独立后的60年,研究了美国官员用来将生活在今天的密歇根州和威斯康星州的土著居民从他们的家园驱逐出去的法律和外交机制。尽管美国通过其臭名昭著的印第安人迁移政策,以武力驱逐了居住在阿巴拉契亚山脉和密西西比河之间的大多数土著居民,但维根断言,美国官员处理阿尼什纳贝格人的方式不同,他称之为“掠夺的政治经济”。通过这个新概念,维根对我们理解18世纪末和19世纪初的土著被剥夺做出了重要贡献,他表明,在上五大湖,美帝国与其说是一个殖民者帝国,不如说是一个传统的外来殖民者,剥削土著人民和他们的资源。第一章“移民之国”探讨了美国独立战争后,美国为殖民西北地区(今天的俄亥俄州、印第安纳州、伊利诺伊州、密歇根州和威斯康星州)而设计的法律机制。1787年的《西北法令》(Northwest Ordinance)是法律的关键部分,它组织了该地区向各州的过渡,并规范了从公共领域向美国定居者出售土地的行为。正如维根所解释的那样,《西北条例》的规定是建立在一种政治幻想之上的,即西北是一片没有土著居民存在的空旷之地。尽管美国官员和定居者知道土著人民仍然生活在这些未被割让的土地上,但他们仍然认为土著人民可以声称拥有土地的所有权,但并没有真正拥有它,因为与欧美人不同,他们生活在一种所谓的自然状态中,没有私有财产和农场。对于美国的移民国家来说,在土著土地上实现土著自决的想法简直是不可想象的。相反,美国向西扩张要求通过迁移或同化的方式将土著居民从这片土地上消灭。其他四章按时间顺序排列,阐明了美国如何一次又一次地未能在密歇根领土上实现其移民愿景,而是诉诸于掠夺的政治经济。1783年之后,美国西北地区南部(俄亥俄州、印第安纳州和伊利诺伊州)的原住民家园迅速被移民入侵,而密歇根地区长期以来一直以皮草贸易为主导,这需要持续存在的阿尼什纳比人(Anishinaabe)家庭狩猎和加工皮草。直到19世纪30年代,安西纳阿贝格在密歇根领地的大部分地区都占主导地位。个人故事——比如讲英语的新教传教士威廉•鲍特维尔(William Boutwell)的经历——令人信服地说明,在一个以亲属关系(而非私有财产)为主导的讲阿尼什纳布语的世界里,他感觉自己像是一个局外人——美国在该地区建立主权的雄心是多么难以捉摸。在这种背景下,美国官员依靠与阿尼什纳阿格族有亲属关系的商人和印度代理人,将后者带到条约桌上,并以欺诈手段谈判土地割让,从1819年的《萨吉诺条约》开始。商人们知道毛皮贸易正在衰落,他们打算从这些条约中获利,他们把美国支付给阿尼什纳阿贝格人土地的大部分现金作为债务,并提供各种条约中承诺的贸易商品。与人们熟悉的关注搬迁的方式不同,维根阐明了在没有大量白人定居者的情况下,几十年来向阿尼什纳阿格人支付的掠夺性年金是如何使商人受益最大的。虽然穷困潦倒,领土也只剩下原来的一小部分,但Anishinaabeg逃避了迁移,迫使美国“将自己视为一个生活在被盗土地上的移民国家”(337)。一个简短的回顾不能公正地评价维根的精辟分析或他提出的多个子论点。维根强调掠夺经济的遗产一直延续到21世纪,并呼吁对美国盗窃土著土地的原罪进行清算,而不仅仅是奴役的罪,这一点值得称赞。事实上,维根通过分析从西北地区分割出来的州是如何不仅以土著人的剥夺和消灭为前提,而且还以通过一系列黑人法典将自由的黑人排除在外为前提,巧妙地阐释了19世纪早期定居者殖民主义和反黑人种族主义的复杂性。《看到红色》极大地有助于我们理解美国白人至上主义的历史及其遗产。
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Seeing Red: Indigenous Land, American Expansion, and the Political Economy of Plunder in North America
At the heart of Seeing Red is the massive land transfer from the Anishinaabeg to the United States as the newly independent country sought to transform Indigenous homelands into American homesteads. Focusing on the sixty years after US independence in 1783, Michael Witgen—himself an Anishinaabe scholar—examines the legal and diplomatic mechanisms that US officials used to dispossess Indigenous peoples living in today's states of Michigan and Wisconsin from their homelands. Whereas the United States expelled by force most Indigenous peoples living between the Appalachians and the Mississippi River through its infamous Indian Removal policy, Witgen asserts that US officials dealing with the Anishinaabeg implemented a different approach, which he calls a “political economy of plunder.” With this new concept, Witgen makes an important contribution to our understanding of Indigenous dispossession in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, demonstrating that, in the Upper Great Lakes, the US empire acted less as the settler empire it sought to be than as a traditional exogenous colonizer exploiting Native peoples and their resources.The opening chapter, “A Nation of Settlers,” explores the legal mechanisms that the United States devised to colonize the Northwest Territory (today's states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin) following the American Revolution. The 1787 Northwest Ordinance was the key piece of legislation organizing the territory's transition into states and regulating the sale of land from the public domain to US settlers. As Witgen explains, the provisions of the Northwest Ordinance were grounded in a political fantasy of the Northwest as empty land devoid of Indigenous presence. Even though US officials and settlers knew that Indigenous peoples still lived on these unceded lands, they nonetheless believed that Indigenous peoples could claim title to the land but did not properly own it because, unlike Euro-Americans, they lived in an alleged state of nature without private property and farms. For the US settler state, the idea of Indigenous self-determination on Indigenous land was simply unthinkable. Instead, US westward expansion demanded the elimination of Indigenous peoples from the land, through either removal or assimilation.Moving chronologically, the four other chapters illuminate how, time and again, the United States failed to implement its settler vision in the Michigan Territory, resorting, instead, to the political economy of plunder. Unlike the southern part of the Northwest Territory (Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois) that saw a rapid settler invasion of Indigenous homelands after 1783, the Michigan Territory long remained dominated by the fur trade, which required the ongoing presence of Anishinaabe families hunting and processing the furs. Into the 1830s, the Anishinaabeg dominated the demography in most areas of the Michigan Territory. Individual stories, such as the experience of anglophone Protestant missionary William Boutwell, who felt like an outsider in an Anishinaabe-speaking world dominated by kinship ties rather than private property, convincingly illustrate how elusive US ambitions to settler sovereignty over the region were. In this context, US officials relied on traders and Indian agents with kinship ties to the Anishinaabeg to bring the latter to the treaty table and fraudulently negotiate land cessions, starting with the 1819 Treaty of Saginaw. Understanding that the fur trade was in decline, traders intended to profit from the treaties by claiming much of the cash that the United States paid the Anishinaabeg for their lands as debt and by providing the trade goods promised in various treaties. Contrary to the familiar focus on removal, Witgen illuminates how plundering annuities paid to the Anishinaabeg for decades was what benefited traders the most in the absence of a large white settler population. While impoverished and reduced to a fraction of their former territory, the Anishinaabeg evaded removal, forcing the United States “to see itself as a nation of settlers living on stolen land” (337).A short review cannot do justice to Witgen's fine analysis or the multiple subarguments he develops. Witgen is to be commended for emphasizing the ongoing legacy of the economy of plunder into the twenty-first century and calling for a reckoning with the United States' original sin of Indigenous land theft, not just the sin of enslavement. In fact, Witgen masterfully illustrates the intricacy of settler colonialism and anti-Black racism in the early nineteenth century by analyzing how the states carved from the Northwest Territory were premised not only on Natives' dispossession and elimination but also on the exclusion of free Black people through a series of black codes. Seeing Red significantly contributes to our understanding of the white supremacist history of the United States and its legacy.
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来源期刊
Agricultural History
Agricultural History 农林科学-科学史与科学哲学
CiteScore
0.70
自引率
16.70%
发文量
58
审稿时长
>36 weeks
期刊介绍: Agricultural History is the journal of record in the field. As such, it publishes articles on all aspects of the history of agriculture and rural life with no geographical or temporal limits. The editors are particularly interested in articles that address a novel subject, demonstrate considerable primary and secondary research, display an original interpretation, and are of general interest to Society members and other Agricultural History readers.
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