A/Ā-Operations at the Mongolian Clausal Periphery

This paper examines and provides a unified analysis for the interaction between ECM and \(\hspace{1.27777pt}\overline{\hspace{-1.27777pt}\text {A}\hspace{-1.27777pt}}\hspace{1.27777pt}\)-operations such as thematic topicalization and wh-licensing at the Mongolian embedded clausal periphery. Building on a previous proposal that ECM targets Spec CP, which can be an A-position in Mongolian (Fong 2019), I argue that thematic topicalization and wh-licensing are associated with an \(\hspace{1.27777pt}\overline{\hspace{-1.27777pt}\text {A}\hspace{-1.27777pt}}\hspace{1.27777pt}\)-domain projected below CP. Furthermore, I advance an analysis in which the A- and \(\hspace{1.27777pt}\overline{\hspace{-1.27777pt}\text {A}\hspace{-1.27777pt}}\hspace{1.27777pt}\)-properties of syntactic dependencies are the result of different features involved in Agree relations. The Agree-based analysis allows for a flexible account for the intricate patterns of the A/\(\hspace{1.27777pt}\overline{\hspace{-1.27777pt}\text {A}\hspace{-1.27777pt}}\hspace{1.27777pt}\)-interactions at the Mongolian clausal periphery, while also making concrete predictions confirmed by independent facts from this language. I then compare the Mongolian case with typical cases of improper movement, and discuss the implications of the current account for a general theory of movement typology.