好狱警》 A. Brierley(编著),阿宾顿:pp. 120.00 英镑(精装本);34.99 英镑(平装本)。ISBN: 9781032394398; 9781032394404

Q2 Social Sciences Howard Journal of Crime and Justice Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI:10.1111/hojo.12548
R. E. Little
{"title":"好狱警》 A. Brierley(编著),阿宾顿:pp. 120.00 英镑(精装本);34.99 英镑(平装本)。ISBN: 9781032394398; 9781032394404","authors":"R. E. Little","doi":"10.1111/hojo.12548","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>The existence of this book is itself something of a triumph. The overlapping fields of ‘lived ‘participation’, ‘co-production’ and ‘lived experience’ have been around long enough for its premise – the question of what is a ‘good prison officer’ – not to be a novel idea, and yet – as claimed in the foreword – it is the first time that such a collection has been written and edited by a team of people with experience of imprisonment. The book comprises nine chapters, from seven contributors, who each consider the question of what makes a good prison officer, based to a large extent on their own personal experiences over time. It thus positions knowledge derived from personal interactions at the front and centre of its epistemology.</p><p>There is lots to like about the book. The title might seem oxymoronic to people who have experienced the tension and mutually hostile relationship dynamics that exist between officers and prisoners in institutions designed to contain and punish. It contains an implicit nod to Liebling's appreciative inquiry (Liebling, Price &amp; Elliot, <span>1999</span>). In seeking out ‘the good’, one is hopeful, and yet inevitably also encounters examples of ‘the bad’ to help illustrate counter-examples.</p><p>The humanity of the book shines through, and the work quickly dismisses simplistic narratives about people in prison. Too often, the worlds of academia, criminal justice practice, and people living through the consequences of system decisions are far apart. The logics that underpin them tend to have us working separately and isolated, encouraging misunderstandings and professional jealousies. Each author reminds us that prison is a hostile environment fostering hypervigilance and ‘tense courtesy’ where trust is a rare commodity and any whiff of kindness needs analysing with curiosity and suspicion. Any new arrival has the potential to threaten periods of hard-won equilibrium. Kierra Myles's chapter (Chapter 5, p.68) emphasises the considerable value of developing a skill for quickly reading a room for threats.</p><p>There is a recurring theme of people discovering for themselves – often with the support of others – what has happened to them and how that experience fits, and how they personally fit, into a ‘bigger picture’. Each author recounts a growing awareness of the forces involved in their detention, some of which they have a degree of ‘control’ over, but an accompanying realisation that accrued effects of early life experiences impede their ability to exercise this control meaningfully. I enjoyed the growing sense of epistemic justice as the authors develop it. Their narratives make it clear that the knowledge the authors accrued over time emerges from an amalgam of human interaction, sensory experience and the emotions that such experiences evoke, entwined with, and underpinned by, early life trauma and addictive behaviours that develop partly as a consequence of those experiences. Such analysis has not traditionally been a strength of academic research, which has tended to deny the roles of the emotional and the sensory in knowledge production in favour of colder, harder, ‘objective’ quantitative – and more distant – forms of data. There have been pockets of resistance, and changes over time, and yet researchers working with qualitative data are still painfully familiar with institutionalised accusations that their research is insufficiently robust or valid, replicable or (grits teeth) representative.</p><p>Perhaps paradoxically then, the writing tends to be strengthened in the passages when authors reach out for connections with research knowledge. It is these bridges that can fruitfully form the basis for further dialogue and research enquiry, provoking further questions. To an academic reader, these bridges might feel a little weak, unfinished, or crying out for further reinforcement. This may also be the case owing to deficits in the research base. Knowledge produced by research needs insights underpinned by practical experiences in order to progress.</p><p>The authors have survived and thrived largely despite the system, not because of it. Kevin Neary's chapter summarises 30 long years in and out of the prison system, experiencing a ‘turbulent ocean of addiction’ (p.42) following a childhood affected by poverty, regular heavy drinking by parents and associated domestic abuse and violence. He calls for greater professional curiosity among officers. A simple, yet significant, shift in their questions focusing not on what was wrong with him but instead exploring ‘what happened to me’ (p.43) would have helped him sooner.</p><p>Daniel Whyte's chapter outlines challenges for prison officers to ‘do good’ in their working context. Recognising how his own attitudes and behaviour initially limited the ways in which officers could interact with him, he recounts a poignant exchange with an officer seeking to help him do his sentence in a healthier way. However, this good work can easily be undermined by the behaviour of other officers. He recalls finding himself subject to unfair practices and injustice when an officer tried to cover up an initial oversight. This type of minor dispute can be magnified in the prison context, especially when another officer is drawn in to support a colleague. Daniel reflects that studying to improve his lot through education also served to provoke some staff resentment. This might be shocking to an outsider, yet also unsurprising. It provokes a question in me about whether this resentment might have been lessened if greater value were placed on the education and training of prison staff. I write this following the European Prison Education Association (EPEA) conference, held in Norway. There we heard that all Norwegian officers have a two-year higher education qualification, with the option to undertake a third (Eide &amp; Westrheim, <span>2020</span>). There are also plans in place for a relevant Masters qualification. If there is a better way to indicate the importance of a profession than by investing in its education, training and support, I would like to hear about it. By contrast, a recent HMPPS job advertisement informs potential applicants: ‘You don't need qualifications to become a prison officer’ (HM Prison and Probation Service, <i>First time prison officer recruitment scheme – male prisons</i>. Available at: https://www.civilservicejobs.service.gov.uk/csr/jobs [Accessed 10 October 2023].</p><p>Interestingly, the book makes little mention of education in prison (p.77), whether for staff or prisoners. Perhaps one can be a good prison officer without a good education, but the lack of recognition for the professional skills associated with work in prisons, with minimal training and education requirements, noted in Shadd Maruna's foreword, communicates something dangerous both within and beyond the prison boundary. Kierra Myles's observation that ‘it is more than just the prison officers; it is the leaders’ (p.73) resonates. The leaders are largely absent here and this reflects a wider issue in a sector that has seen frequent changes in prison governors, and unprecedented turnover in justice secretaries over the previous decade.</p><p>Devon Ferns's chapter describes examples of staff trying to provide safety and comfort in an inherently ‘… challenging and uncomfortable carceral space’ (p.95). These people succeeded in stepping slightly out of their protective role to give something of their real selves (p.96). The book would have benefitted from a chapter by a (good) prison officer. This might reasonably be the focus of a separate book, but there remains a gap for a project that brings together perspectives of officers and prisoners together in one volume. Professional experiences are very relevant here, partly because good work can be undermined by actions that erode trust and good relationships. It also leads to the question of whether a large proportion of officers exhibit both good and bad behaviours. If so, what are the conditions that facilitate or promote good officer behaviour? Are there particular spaces conducive to trustworthy, empathetic behaviour? I do not recall an example of an officer openly challenging or counteracting the bad behaviour of another. If such behaviour occurs, it is possible that it takes place away from the gaze of people in prison. This is one example where staff insight would be valuable. The interactions recounted are often one-to-one; some hidden kindness here, a timely favour there. What does it mean then to be a good prison officer across different spaces, or contexts? Max Dennehy's chapter reflects briefly on how the use of space, and the interactions allowed therein, played ‘a significant role in providing brief respite from the intensity' (p.55). His conclusion suggests a need for ‘the repurposing of space’ (p.61) to render it more flexible, more open to dialogic exchange and negotiation. I would be interested to learn more about this in future.</p><p>Chapter authors discuss relatively socially acceptable crimes that happened a fairly long time ago; there is a suitable degree of distance, which is understandable. It is noteworthy there is not a chapter from someone convicted of sexual offences. As James Docherty explicitly notes, even as a child he ‘… knew what happened to sex offenders in these places’ (p.109). I am not suggesting a tick box approach to authors representative of different offence types, but it is unlikely that a person in such circumstances would be displaying their real name or prison ID. They may have a particular perspective on what makes a good prison officer for someone in their position with a label that frequently puts them at the bottom of the prison social hierarchy, rendered vulnerable to attacks.</p><p>The book serves to remind us of the importance of relationships and the power of hope. All contributors are consistent in their view that relationships are the agents of change. James Docherty's chapter argues for appreciating experience of prison as part of the ‘… multi-faceted solution to the issues and barriers people face in overcoming life-long adversities’ (p.113). Brierley suggests that the production of the book itself ‘constitutes a symbolic action of progress’ (p.6). Everyone involved in the book has made an important contribution to understanding about prisons, and the significance of interactions between prisoners and staff in the spaces they share. As a pedantic reader, it was slightly disappointing to notice quite a few minor grammatical and typographical errors or omissions. It is surely the job of ‘the good publisher’ to match these efforts with sufficient resources made available for proofreading.</p><p>At its best, the book could be a catalyst for further dialogue that emerges from these unique chapters. The final chapter, ‘Time for change’ suggests that policymakers are an intended audience, but the recommendations feel quite broad, a little rushed and would benefit from greater precision and coherence. As someone with experience of developing prison-university partnerships, facilitating prison classroom spaces with university students and prison learners, I see the value of a potential session, or course, exploring the question: ‘What makes a good prison officer?’, drawing on insights from the book to promote discussion of ideas and practice. It raises the bar and must surely have prompted the publisher to consider a related criminal justice series: The good … probation officer … magistrate … police officer … prosecutor?</p><p>Such an approach is welcome because it returns focus to the professional values and skills central to helping the system work as humanely as possible. The book elevates the discussion beyond minimum standards, rules and guidelines to help understand the humanity of staff and prisoners sharing living and working conditions in institutions designed for punishment. Here staff struggle to provide the relational resources (Brierley, Introduction, p.18) that enable people to interact in a more meaningful, trustworthy manner and allow people the chance to move on from sentences with dignity. Credit to everyone involved for their courage and thoughtfulness in provoking a much-needed conversation.</p>","PeriodicalId":37514,"journal":{"name":"Howard Journal of Crime and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/hojo.12548","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The good prison officer By A. Brierley (Ed.), Abingdon: Routledge. 2023. pp. 139. £120.00 (hbk); £34.99 (pbk). ISBN: 9781032394398; 9781032394404\",\"authors\":\"R. E. Little\",\"doi\":\"10.1111/hojo.12548\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>The existence of this book is itself something of a triumph. The overlapping fields of ‘lived ‘participation’, ‘co-production’ and ‘lived experience’ have been around long enough for its premise – the question of what is a ‘good prison officer’ – not to be a novel idea, and yet – as claimed in the foreword – it is the first time that such a collection has been written and edited by a team of people with experience of imprisonment. The book comprises nine chapters, from seven contributors, who each consider the question of what makes a good prison officer, based to a large extent on their own personal experiences over time. It thus positions knowledge derived from personal interactions at the front and centre of its epistemology.</p><p>There is lots to like about the book. The title might seem oxymoronic to people who have experienced the tension and mutually hostile relationship dynamics that exist between officers and prisoners in institutions designed to contain and punish. It contains an implicit nod to Liebling's appreciative inquiry (Liebling, Price &amp; Elliot, <span>1999</span>). In seeking out ‘the good’, one is hopeful, and yet inevitably also encounters examples of ‘the bad’ to help illustrate counter-examples.</p><p>The humanity of the book shines through, and the work quickly dismisses simplistic narratives about people in prison. Too often, the worlds of academia, criminal justice practice, and people living through the consequences of system decisions are far apart. The logics that underpin them tend to have us working separately and isolated, encouraging misunderstandings and professional jealousies. Each author reminds us that prison is a hostile environment fostering hypervigilance and ‘tense courtesy’ where trust is a rare commodity and any whiff of kindness needs analysing with curiosity and suspicion. Any new arrival has the potential to threaten periods of hard-won equilibrium. Kierra Myles's chapter (Chapter 5, p.68) emphasises the considerable value of developing a skill for quickly reading a room for threats.</p><p>There is a recurring theme of people discovering for themselves – often with the support of others – what has happened to them and how that experience fits, and how they personally fit, into a ‘bigger picture’. Each author recounts a growing awareness of the forces involved in their detention, some of which they have a degree of ‘control’ over, but an accompanying realisation that accrued effects of early life experiences impede their ability to exercise this control meaningfully. I enjoyed the growing sense of epistemic justice as the authors develop it. Their narratives make it clear that the knowledge the authors accrued over time emerges from an amalgam of human interaction, sensory experience and the emotions that such experiences evoke, entwined with, and underpinned by, early life trauma and addictive behaviours that develop partly as a consequence of those experiences. Such analysis has not traditionally been a strength of academic research, which has tended to deny the roles of the emotional and the sensory in knowledge production in favour of colder, harder, ‘objective’ quantitative – and more distant – forms of data. There have been pockets of resistance, and changes over time, and yet researchers working with qualitative data are still painfully familiar with institutionalised accusations that their research is insufficiently robust or valid, replicable or (grits teeth) representative.</p><p>Perhaps paradoxically then, the writing tends to be strengthened in the passages when authors reach out for connections with research knowledge. It is these bridges that can fruitfully form the basis for further dialogue and research enquiry, provoking further questions. To an academic reader, these bridges might feel a little weak, unfinished, or crying out for further reinforcement. This may also be the case owing to deficits in the research base. Knowledge produced by research needs insights underpinned by practical experiences in order to progress.</p><p>The authors have survived and thrived largely despite the system, not because of it. Kevin Neary's chapter summarises 30 long years in and out of the prison system, experiencing a ‘turbulent ocean of addiction’ (p.42) following a childhood affected by poverty, regular heavy drinking by parents and associated domestic abuse and violence. He calls for greater professional curiosity among officers. A simple, yet significant, shift in their questions focusing not on what was wrong with him but instead exploring ‘what happened to me’ (p.43) would have helped him sooner.</p><p>Daniel Whyte's chapter outlines challenges for prison officers to ‘do good’ in their working context. Recognising how his own attitudes and behaviour initially limited the ways in which officers could interact with him, he recounts a poignant exchange with an officer seeking to help him do his sentence in a healthier way. However, this good work can easily be undermined by the behaviour of other officers. He recalls finding himself subject to unfair practices and injustice when an officer tried to cover up an initial oversight. This type of minor dispute can be magnified in the prison context, especially when another officer is drawn in to support a colleague. Daniel reflects that studying to improve his lot through education also served to provoke some staff resentment. This might be shocking to an outsider, yet also unsurprising. It provokes a question in me about whether this resentment might have been lessened if greater value were placed on the education and training of prison staff. I write this following the European Prison Education Association (EPEA) conference, held in Norway. There we heard that all Norwegian officers have a two-year higher education qualification, with the option to undertake a third (Eide &amp; Westrheim, <span>2020</span>). There are also plans in place for a relevant Masters qualification. If there is a better way to indicate the importance of a profession than by investing in its education, training and support, I would like to hear about it. By contrast, a recent HMPPS job advertisement informs potential applicants: ‘You don't need qualifications to become a prison officer’ (HM Prison and Probation Service, <i>First time prison officer recruitment scheme – male prisons</i>. Available at: https://www.civilservicejobs.service.gov.uk/csr/jobs [Accessed 10 October 2023].</p><p>Interestingly, the book makes little mention of education in prison (p.77), whether for staff or prisoners. Perhaps one can be a good prison officer without a good education, but the lack of recognition for the professional skills associated with work in prisons, with minimal training and education requirements, noted in Shadd Maruna's foreword, communicates something dangerous both within and beyond the prison boundary. Kierra Myles's observation that ‘it is more than just the prison officers; it is the leaders’ (p.73) resonates. The leaders are largely absent here and this reflects a wider issue in a sector that has seen frequent changes in prison governors, and unprecedented turnover in justice secretaries over the previous decade.</p><p>Devon Ferns's chapter describes examples of staff trying to provide safety and comfort in an inherently ‘… challenging and uncomfortable carceral space’ (p.95). These people succeeded in stepping slightly out of their protective role to give something of their real selves (p.96). The book would have benefitted from a chapter by a (good) prison officer. This might reasonably be the focus of a separate book, but there remains a gap for a project that brings together perspectives of officers and prisoners together in one volume. Professional experiences are very relevant here, partly because good work can be undermined by actions that erode trust and good relationships. It also leads to the question of whether a large proportion of officers exhibit both good and bad behaviours. If so, what are the conditions that facilitate or promote good officer behaviour? Are there particular spaces conducive to trustworthy, empathetic behaviour? I do not recall an example of an officer openly challenging or counteracting the bad behaviour of another. If such behaviour occurs, it is possible that it takes place away from the gaze of people in prison. This is one example where staff insight would be valuable. The interactions recounted are often one-to-one; some hidden kindness here, a timely favour there. What does it mean then to be a good prison officer across different spaces, or contexts? Max Dennehy's chapter reflects briefly on how the use of space, and the interactions allowed therein, played ‘a significant role in providing brief respite from the intensity' (p.55). His conclusion suggests a need for ‘the repurposing of space’ (p.61) to render it more flexible, more open to dialogic exchange and negotiation. I would be interested to learn more about this in future.</p><p>Chapter authors discuss relatively socially acceptable crimes that happened a fairly long time ago; there is a suitable degree of distance, which is understandable. It is noteworthy there is not a chapter from someone convicted of sexual offences. As James Docherty explicitly notes, even as a child he ‘… knew what happened to sex offenders in these places’ (p.109). I am not suggesting a tick box approach to authors representative of different offence types, but it is unlikely that a person in such circumstances would be displaying their real name or prison ID. They may have a particular perspective on what makes a good prison officer for someone in their position with a label that frequently puts them at the bottom of the prison social hierarchy, rendered vulnerable to attacks.</p><p>The book serves to remind us of the importance of relationships and the power of hope. All contributors are consistent in their view that relationships are the agents of change. James Docherty's chapter argues for appreciating experience of prison as part of the ‘… multi-faceted solution to the issues and barriers people face in overcoming life-long adversities’ (p.113). Brierley suggests that the production of the book itself ‘constitutes a symbolic action of progress’ (p.6). Everyone involved in the book has made an important contribution to understanding about prisons, and the significance of interactions between prisoners and staff in the spaces they share. As a pedantic reader, it was slightly disappointing to notice quite a few minor grammatical and typographical errors or omissions. It is surely the job of ‘the good publisher’ to match these efforts with sufficient resources made available for proofreading.</p><p>At its best, the book could be a catalyst for further dialogue that emerges from these unique chapters. The final chapter, ‘Time for change’ suggests that policymakers are an intended audience, but the recommendations feel quite broad, a little rushed and would benefit from greater precision and coherence. As someone with experience of developing prison-university partnerships, facilitating prison classroom spaces with university students and prison learners, I see the value of a potential session, or course, exploring the question: ‘What makes a good prison officer?’, drawing on insights from the book to promote discussion of ideas and practice. It raises the bar and must surely have prompted the publisher to consider a related criminal justice series: The good … probation officer … magistrate … police officer … prosecutor?</p><p>Such an approach is welcome because it returns focus to the professional values and skills central to helping the system work as humanely as possible. The book elevates the discussion beyond minimum standards, rules and guidelines to help understand the humanity of staff and prisoners sharing living and working conditions in institutions designed for punishment. Here staff struggle to provide the relational resources (Brierley, Introduction, p.18) that enable people to interact in a more meaningful, trustworthy manner and allow people the chance to move on from sentences with dignity. 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摘要

这本书的存在本身就是一种胜利。“亲身参与”、“合作制作”和“亲身体验”这三个重叠的领域已经存在了很长时间,它的前提——什么是“好狱警”的问题——并不是一个新颖的想法,然而——正如前言中所声称的那样——这是第一次由一群有入狱经历的人编写和编辑这样一本合集。这本书共有九章,由七位作者撰写,他们每个人都根据自己的个人经历,在很大程度上思考了如何成为一名优秀的监狱官员。因此,它将来自个人互动的知识置于其认识论的前沿和中心。这本书有很多值得喜欢的地方。对于那些在旨在遏制和惩罚的机构中经历过紧张和相互敌对关系的人来说,这个标题似乎有些矛盾。它包含了对Liebling的欣赏式探究的含蓄点头(Liebling, Price &艾略特,1999)。在寻找“好”的过程中,一个人是充满希望的,但不可避免地也会遇到“坏”的例子,以帮助说明反例。这本书充满了人性,很快就摒弃了对监狱里的人的简单化叙述。学术界、刑事司法实践和经历制度决策后果的人们往往相去甚远。支撑它们的逻辑往往是让我们分开、孤立地工作,这助长了误解和职业上的嫉妒。每一位作者都提醒我们,监狱是一个充满敌意的环境,培养了高度警惕和“紧张的礼貌”,信任是一种罕见的商品,任何一丝善意都需要用好奇和怀疑来分析。任何新来者都有可能威胁到来之不易的平衡时期。Kierra Myles的章节(第5章,第68页)强调了培养一种快速阅读房间威胁的技能的巨大价值。有一个反复出现的主题是,人们经常在别人的支持下,自己发现发生在他们身上的事情,以及这些经历如何适应,以及他们个人如何适应“更大的图景”。每个作者都叙述了他们对拘留所涉及的力量的日益认识,其中一些力量他们有一定程度的“控制”,但伴随而来的是早期生活经历的累积影响阻碍了他们有意义地行使这种控制的能力。我很享受作者们不断发展的认识正义感。他们的叙述清楚地表明,随着时间的推移,作者积累的知识来自于人类互动、感官体验和这些体验所唤起的情感,这些情感与早期生活创伤和成瘾行为交织在一起,并以这些经历的部分后果为基础。传统上,这种分析并不是学术研究的强项,学术研究倾向于否认情感和感官在知识生产中的作用,而倾向于更冷、更硬、“客观”的定量——以及更遥远的——数据形式。随着时间的推移,有一些阻力和变化,然而研究定性数据的研究人员仍然痛苦地熟悉制度化的指责,即他们的研究不够稳健或有效、可复制或(牙痛)代表性。也许矛盾的是,当作者寻求与研究知识的联系时,写作往往会在文章中得到加强。正是这些桥梁能够富有成效地形成进一步对话和研究调查的基础,引发进一步的问题。对于一个学术读者来说,这些桥梁可能会感觉有点脆弱,未完成,或者迫切需要进一步加固。这也可能是由于研究基础的不足造成的。研究产生的知识需要以实践经验为基础的洞察力才能取得进步。作者们在很大程度上不顾这个制度而不是因为这个制度而生存和繁荣。Kevin Neary的章节总结了30年进出监狱系统的漫长岁月,经历了“动荡的成瘾海洋”(第42页),童年受到贫困的影响,父母经常酗酒,以及相关的家庭虐待和暴力。他呼吁警察要有更强的职业好奇心。如果他们把问题的焦点从他的问题转移到“我身上发生了什么”(第43页)上,这一简单而又重要的转变将会更快地帮助他。丹尼尔·怀特的章节概述了监狱官员在工作环境中“做好事”所面临的挑战。他意识到自己的态度和行为最初是如何限制了官员与他互动的方式,他讲述了与一名试图帮助他以更健康的方式服刑的官员的一次令人心酸的交流。然而,这种良好的工作很容易被其他官员的行为所破坏。 他回忆说,当一名官员试图掩盖最初的疏忽时,他发现自己受到了不公平的做法和不公正的对待。这种小纠纷在监狱环境中可能会被放大,尤其是当另一名警官被拉进来支持同事的时候。丹尼尔反映,通过学习来改善自己的命运,也引起了一些员工的不满。这可能会让一个局外人感到震惊,但也不足为奇。这让我产生了一个问题:如果更重视对监狱工作人员的教育和培训,这种怨恨是否会减少?我是在挪威举行的欧洲监狱教育协会(EPEA)会议之后写这篇文章的。在那里,我们听说所有挪威军官都有两年制的高等教育资格,并可选择接受第三年制的高等教育。Westrheim, 2020)。相关的硕士资格也有相应的计划。如果有比在教育、培训和支持方面投资更好的方式来表明一项职业的重要性,我很想听听。相比之下,最近的一则招聘广告告诉潜在的申请人:“你不需要资格来成为一名监狱官员”(英国监狱和缓刑服务处,首次监狱官员招聘计划-男性监狱)。可在:https://www.civilservicejobs.service.gov.uk/csr/jobs[2023年10月10日访问]。有趣的是,这本书几乎没有提到监狱中的教育(第77页),无论是对工作人员还是囚犯的教育。也许没有受过良好教育的人也可以成为一名优秀的监狱官员,但Shadd Maruna在前言中指出,缺乏对监狱工作相关专业技能的认可,只需要很少的培训和教育,这在监狱内外都传达了一些危险的东西。基拉·迈尔斯(Kierra Myles)观察到,“不仅仅是监狱官员;这是领导人的共鸣(第73页)。这里的领导人基本上都不在,这反映了一个更广泛的问题,在过去的十年里,监狱管理者频繁更换,司法部长的更替也前所未有。德文·弗恩斯的章节描述了员工试图在一个固有的“具有挑战性和不舒服的caral空间”中提供安全和舒适的例子(第95页)。这些人成功地稍微脱离了他们的保护角色,给予一些真实的自我(第96页)。如果有一位(优秀的)狱警写一章的话,这本书会有好处的。这可能是一本单独的书的重点,但将军官和囚犯的观点结合在一起的项目仍然存在空白。专业经验在这里非常重要,部分原因是良好的工作可能会被破坏信任和良好关系的行为所破坏。这也导致了一个问题,即是否有很大比例的警察表现出良好和不良的行为。若有,有什么条件促进或促进良好的人员行为?是否有特定的空间有利于信任和移情行为?我不记得有哪位警官公开挑战或抵制另一位警官的不良行为。如果发生这种行为,有可能是在监狱里的人看不到的地方发生的。这是员工洞察力很有价值的一个例子。叙述的互动通常是一对一的;这里暗藏善意,那里及时施恩。那么在不同的空间或环境中成为一名优秀的狱警意味着什么呢?Max Dennehy的章节简要地反映了空间的使用,以及空间中允许的互动,如何“在提供短暂的紧张喘息中发挥了重要作用”(第55页)。他的结论表明,需要“重新利用空间”(第61页),使其更灵活,更开放,便于对话交流和谈判。将来我有兴趣了解更多关于这方面的信息。章节作者讨论了发生在很久以前的相对社会可接受的犯罪;有一个合适的距离,这是可以理解的。值得注意的是,书中没有一章来自被判有性犯罪的人。正如James Docherty明确指出的那样,即使在他还是个孩子的时候,他“……就知道性犯罪者在这些地方会发生什么”(第109页)。我并不是建议对代表不同犯罪类型的作者使用打勾框的方法,但在这种情况下,一个人不太可能显示他们的真实姓名或监狱身份证。他们可能对如何成为一名优秀的狱警有自己的看法,因为他们的职位往往被贴上监狱社会阶层最底层的标签,容易受到攻击。这本书提醒我们人际关系的重要性和希望的力量。所有贡献者都一致认为,关系是变革的推动者。 James Docherty的章节主张欣赏监狱的经历,认为这是“……人们在克服终身逆境时所面临的问题和障碍的多方面解决方案”的一部分(第113页)。布里尔利认为,这本书的出版本身“构成了进步的象征性行动”(第6页)。书中涉及的每个人都对了解监狱以及囚犯和工作人员在他们共享的空间中相互作用的意义做出了重要贡献。作为一个迂腐的读者,注意到相当多的语法和排版错误或遗漏有点令人失望。当然,“优秀的出版商”的工作是将这些努力与足够的校对资源相匹配。在最好的情况下,这本书可以成为从这些独特章节中产生的进一步对话的催化剂。最后一章“变革的时刻”表明,政策制定者是目标受众,但这些建议感觉相当宽泛,有点仓促,如果更精确和连贯,将会受益。作为一个在发展监狱-大学合作关系,促进监狱课堂空间与大学生和监狱学习者的经验丰富的人,我看到了一个潜在的会议或课程的价值,探索这个问题:“是什么造就了一个好的监狱官员?”,从书中汲取见解,以促进对思想和实践的讨论。它提高了标准,肯定促使出版商考虑相关的刑事司法系列:好……缓刑官……治安官……警察……检察官?这样的方法是受欢迎的,因为它将重点放在了帮助系统尽可能人道地工作的核心专业价值和技能上。这本书将讨论提升到最低标准,规则和指导方针之外,以帮助理解工作人员和囚犯在为惩罚而设计的机构中共享生活和工作条件的人性。在这里,工作人员努力提供关系资源(Brierley,引言,第18页),使人们能够以更有意义,更值得信赖的方式互动,并允许人们有机会从有尊严的句子中继续前进。感谢所有参与者的勇气和深思熟虑,引发了一场急需的对话。
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The good prison officer By A. Brierley (Ed.), Abingdon: Routledge. 2023. pp. 139. £120.00 (hbk); £34.99 (pbk). ISBN: 9781032394398; 9781032394404

The existence of this book is itself something of a triumph. The overlapping fields of ‘lived ‘participation’, ‘co-production’ and ‘lived experience’ have been around long enough for its premise – the question of what is a ‘good prison officer’ – not to be a novel idea, and yet – as claimed in the foreword – it is the first time that such a collection has been written and edited by a team of people with experience of imprisonment. The book comprises nine chapters, from seven contributors, who each consider the question of what makes a good prison officer, based to a large extent on their own personal experiences over time. It thus positions knowledge derived from personal interactions at the front and centre of its epistemology.

There is lots to like about the book. The title might seem oxymoronic to people who have experienced the tension and mutually hostile relationship dynamics that exist between officers and prisoners in institutions designed to contain and punish. It contains an implicit nod to Liebling's appreciative inquiry (Liebling, Price & Elliot, 1999). In seeking out ‘the good’, one is hopeful, and yet inevitably also encounters examples of ‘the bad’ to help illustrate counter-examples.

The humanity of the book shines through, and the work quickly dismisses simplistic narratives about people in prison. Too often, the worlds of academia, criminal justice practice, and people living through the consequences of system decisions are far apart. The logics that underpin them tend to have us working separately and isolated, encouraging misunderstandings and professional jealousies. Each author reminds us that prison is a hostile environment fostering hypervigilance and ‘tense courtesy’ where trust is a rare commodity and any whiff of kindness needs analysing with curiosity and suspicion. Any new arrival has the potential to threaten periods of hard-won equilibrium. Kierra Myles's chapter (Chapter 5, p.68) emphasises the considerable value of developing a skill for quickly reading a room for threats.

There is a recurring theme of people discovering for themselves – often with the support of others – what has happened to them and how that experience fits, and how they personally fit, into a ‘bigger picture’. Each author recounts a growing awareness of the forces involved in their detention, some of which they have a degree of ‘control’ over, but an accompanying realisation that accrued effects of early life experiences impede their ability to exercise this control meaningfully. I enjoyed the growing sense of epistemic justice as the authors develop it. Their narratives make it clear that the knowledge the authors accrued over time emerges from an amalgam of human interaction, sensory experience and the emotions that such experiences evoke, entwined with, and underpinned by, early life trauma and addictive behaviours that develop partly as a consequence of those experiences. Such analysis has not traditionally been a strength of academic research, which has tended to deny the roles of the emotional and the sensory in knowledge production in favour of colder, harder, ‘objective’ quantitative – and more distant – forms of data. There have been pockets of resistance, and changes over time, and yet researchers working with qualitative data are still painfully familiar with institutionalised accusations that their research is insufficiently robust or valid, replicable or (grits teeth) representative.

Perhaps paradoxically then, the writing tends to be strengthened in the passages when authors reach out for connections with research knowledge. It is these bridges that can fruitfully form the basis for further dialogue and research enquiry, provoking further questions. To an academic reader, these bridges might feel a little weak, unfinished, or crying out for further reinforcement. This may also be the case owing to deficits in the research base. Knowledge produced by research needs insights underpinned by practical experiences in order to progress.

The authors have survived and thrived largely despite the system, not because of it. Kevin Neary's chapter summarises 30 long years in and out of the prison system, experiencing a ‘turbulent ocean of addiction’ (p.42) following a childhood affected by poverty, regular heavy drinking by parents and associated domestic abuse and violence. He calls for greater professional curiosity among officers. A simple, yet significant, shift in their questions focusing not on what was wrong with him but instead exploring ‘what happened to me’ (p.43) would have helped him sooner.

Daniel Whyte's chapter outlines challenges for prison officers to ‘do good’ in their working context. Recognising how his own attitudes and behaviour initially limited the ways in which officers could interact with him, he recounts a poignant exchange with an officer seeking to help him do his sentence in a healthier way. However, this good work can easily be undermined by the behaviour of other officers. He recalls finding himself subject to unfair practices and injustice when an officer tried to cover up an initial oversight. This type of minor dispute can be magnified in the prison context, especially when another officer is drawn in to support a colleague. Daniel reflects that studying to improve his lot through education also served to provoke some staff resentment. This might be shocking to an outsider, yet also unsurprising. It provokes a question in me about whether this resentment might have been lessened if greater value were placed on the education and training of prison staff. I write this following the European Prison Education Association (EPEA) conference, held in Norway. There we heard that all Norwegian officers have a two-year higher education qualification, with the option to undertake a third (Eide & Westrheim, 2020). There are also plans in place for a relevant Masters qualification. If there is a better way to indicate the importance of a profession than by investing in its education, training and support, I would like to hear about it. By contrast, a recent HMPPS job advertisement informs potential applicants: ‘You don't need qualifications to become a prison officer’ (HM Prison and Probation Service, First time prison officer recruitment scheme – male prisons. Available at: https://www.civilservicejobs.service.gov.uk/csr/jobs [Accessed 10 October 2023].

Interestingly, the book makes little mention of education in prison (p.77), whether for staff or prisoners. Perhaps one can be a good prison officer without a good education, but the lack of recognition for the professional skills associated with work in prisons, with minimal training and education requirements, noted in Shadd Maruna's foreword, communicates something dangerous both within and beyond the prison boundary. Kierra Myles's observation that ‘it is more than just the prison officers; it is the leaders’ (p.73) resonates. The leaders are largely absent here and this reflects a wider issue in a sector that has seen frequent changes in prison governors, and unprecedented turnover in justice secretaries over the previous decade.

Devon Ferns's chapter describes examples of staff trying to provide safety and comfort in an inherently ‘… challenging and uncomfortable carceral space’ (p.95). These people succeeded in stepping slightly out of their protective role to give something of their real selves (p.96). The book would have benefitted from a chapter by a (good) prison officer. This might reasonably be the focus of a separate book, but there remains a gap for a project that brings together perspectives of officers and prisoners together in one volume. Professional experiences are very relevant here, partly because good work can be undermined by actions that erode trust and good relationships. It also leads to the question of whether a large proportion of officers exhibit both good and bad behaviours. If so, what are the conditions that facilitate or promote good officer behaviour? Are there particular spaces conducive to trustworthy, empathetic behaviour? I do not recall an example of an officer openly challenging or counteracting the bad behaviour of another. If such behaviour occurs, it is possible that it takes place away from the gaze of people in prison. This is one example where staff insight would be valuable. The interactions recounted are often one-to-one; some hidden kindness here, a timely favour there. What does it mean then to be a good prison officer across different spaces, or contexts? Max Dennehy's chapter reflects briefly on how the use of space, and the interactions allowed therein, played ‘a significant role in providing brief respite from the intensity' (p.55). His conclusion suggests a need for ‘the repurposing of space’ (p.61) to render it more flexible, more open to dialogic exchange and negotiation. I would be interested to learn more about this in future.

Chapter authors discuss relatively socially acceptable crimes that happened a fairly long time ago; there is a suitable degree of distance, which is understandable. It is noteworthy there is not a chapter from someone convicted of sexual offences. As James Docherty explicitly notes, even as a child he ‘… knew what happened to sex offenders in these places’ (p.109). I am not suggesting a tick box approach to authors representative of different offence types, but it is unlikely that a person in such circumstances would be displaying their real name or prison ID. They may have a particular perspective on what makes a good prison officer for someone in their position with a label that frequently puts them at the bottom of the prison social hierarchy, rendered vulnerable to attacks.

The book serves to remind us of the importance of relationships and the power of hope. All contributors are consistent in their view that relationships are the agents of change. James Docherty's chapter argues for appreciating experience of prison as part of the ‘… multi-faceted solution to the issues and barriers people face in overcoming life-long adversities’ (p.113). Brierley suggests that the production of the book itself ‘constitutes a symbolic action of progress’ (p.6). Everyone involved in the book has made an important contribution to understanding about prisons, and the significance of interactions between prisoners and staff in the spaces they share. As a pedantic reader, it was slightly disappointing to notice quite a few minor grammatical and typographical errors or omissions. It is surely the job of ‘the good publisher’ to match these efforts with sufficient resources made available for proofreading.

At its best, the book could be a catalyst for further dialogue that emerges from these unique chapters. The final chapter, ‘Time for change’ suggests that policymakers are an intended audience, but the recommendations feel quite broad, a little rushed and would benefit from greater precision and coherence. As someone with experience of developing prison-university partnerships, facilitating prison classroom spaces with university students and prison learners, I see the value of a potential session, or course, exploring the question: ‘What makes a good prison officer?’, drawing on insights from the book to promote discussion of ideas and practice. It raises the bar and must surely have prompted the publisher to consider a related criminal justice series: The good … probation officer … magistrate … police officer … prosecutor?

Such an approach is welcome because it returns focus to the professional values and skills central to helping the system work as humanely as possible. The book elevates the discussion beyond minimum standards, rules and guidelines to help understand the humanity of staff and prisoners sharing living and working conditions in institutions designed for punishment. Here staff struggle to provide the relational resources (Brierley, Introduction, p.18) that enable people to interact in a more meaningful, trustworthy manner and allow people the chance to move on from sentences with dignity. Credit to everyone involved for their courage and thoughtfulness in provoking a much-needed conversation.

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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.30
自引率
0.00%
发文量
41
期刊介绍: The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice is an international peer-reviewed journal committed to publishing high quality theory, research and debate on all aspects of the relationship between crime and justice across the globe. It is a leading forum for conversation between academic theory and research and the cultures, policies and practices of the range of institutions concerned with harm, security and justice.
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Issue Information Being watched: The aftermath of covert policing Observing justice: Digital transparency, openness and accountability in criminal courts By J. Townend, L. Welsh, Bristol: Bristol University Press. 2023. pp. 176. £45.00 (hbk). ISBN: 9781529228670 Children in conflict with the law: Rights, research and progressive youth justice By U. Kilkelly, L. Forde, S. Lambert, K. Swirak, London: Palgrave Macmillan. 2023. pp. 185. £34.99 (hbk). ISBN: 9783031366512; £27.99 (ebk). ISBN: 9783031366529 Trans and gender diverse offenders’ experiences of custody: A systematic review of empirical evidence
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