{"title":"S.E. 金斯兰的 \"四季实验室\"","authors":"E. A. Johnson","doi":"10.1002/bes2.2125","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>Sharon E. Kingsland is well known and respected by ecologists and historians of science for her many papers and several books on the history of ecology. Her most recent book is <i>A Lab For All Seasons: the laboratory revolution in modern botany and the rise of physiological plant ecology</i>, Yale University Press. The book is divided into three parts. Part 1 investigates the origin and development of the Phytotron; Part 2, the spread of the phytotron idea in its development around the world; and Part 3, the emergence and synthesis of ecology resulting in physiological ecology. This book is actually several books in one and many pages are often a gold mine of discussion of smaller topics. You can open the book at almost any page and find interesting information. Because of the diversity of topics, this book has an excellent index that helps you find many of these small topics. The book is a must read if you are interested in the development of ecology in the early postwar years. For anyone wishing an in-depth look at the individuals and the research endeavors in physiological ecology (in its widest sense), you will be amply rewarded.</p><p>Phytotrons are the name given to complex environmental chambers developed at Caltech in the 1930s and onward by Fritz Went and many others. You have to be of a certain age, remembering the post-World War II era and the emergence of the modern research university in the 1950s and 60s, to understand the excitement and potential that the development of a phytotron caused in the emerging experimental science of ecology. The phytotron raised the possibility of being able to create a chamber of diverse sizes to “create weather” where you could manipulate different combinations of environmental variables in a reproducible experimental design. In fact, you might eventually be able to have the weather differ in parts of a single phytotron.</p><p>The idea of a phytotron can be traced to Fritz Went's single-minded enthusiasm and his European research lineage from his father back to Julius Sachs' ideas in “Experimental Plant Physiology” (German edition, 1874 and English addition, 1882). One of Sachs' illuminating ideas was that plants had growth substances that moved through the plant affecting processes. Later, these were called auxins or plant hormones. This and other ideas provided a foundation that would require experiments in controlled environments. Thus, some kind of device, which allowed controlling of the plants' environment in a reproducible manner, could take both ecology and physiology from a descriptive and correlational methods into a more controlled and experimental discipline. From the very beginning the development of phytotrons pushed the engineering design capacities of the times and the conceptual ideas of what was to be physiological ecology. It made Fritz Went what today we would call a science entrepreneur.</p><p>The first half of Kingsland's book is about how Fritz Went energized many people everywhere in the world to develop larger and more sophisticated phytotrons. If you did not have a phytotron, you were just not part of what was happening. Part 2 involves a lengthy discussion of two case studies of the development of phytotrons in the Soviet Union and in Hungary. The Hungarian experience is an interesting entanglement of Lysenkoism and the DNA-central dogma of Watson and Crick with the dissenting ideas of Barry Commoner in the United States of Watson and Crick's ideas. The Cold War hype meant that even the Soviets built phytotrons, which undermined Lysenko's Lamarckian evolution idea by encouraging more rigorous experimental testing of Lysenko's ideas (which had frustrated the development of modern genetics in the Soviet Union). It is interesting to think that the glamour of the name “phytotron,” a version of the word cyclotron, was able to bridge the Cold War barriers between the West and the communist regimes.</p><p>The phytotron pushed the technology of the time and often was limited by the expense in building such complicated and innovative machines. One also has to remember the number of problems there were. Phytotrons were a plumber's nightmare. Kingsland hints at the problems in design and execution, which was to continue even into the 1980s with the infamous first version of Biosphere 2. The phytotrons taught us that we had to collaborate more closely with engineers and have better conceptual arguments of what we were trying to do in terms of lighting, humidity, the heat, and water budgets in the chambers, not just the factors but the processes they are a part of.</p><p>Went left Caltech in 1958 to go to the Missouri Botanical Garden. In 1963, he organized the building of a Climatron, not a phytotron, but a large glasshouse that displayed plants growing in different climate regions. In addition, Went developed a small plant growth chamber and another mobile laboratory like the one he had developed at Caltech. In 1965, he moved again to head a new laboratory in the Desert Research Institute at the University of Nevada-Reno. Fritz Went's moves are an indication of his salesmanship and his ability to raise money, particularly from the NSF and other private and government organizations. Went's replacement at Missouri was David M. Gates, the son of the early ecologist Frank Gates. David Gates was trained in physics and in land surface energy exchanges; he was to become well known for his research on biophysical ecology. It was Gates' research in the connection between the physical environment and organisms, which provided a theoretical and practical structure for parts of physiological ecology.</p><p>Part 3 of Kingsland's book develops the synthesis of physiology with ecology that produced the emerging field of physiological ecology. The two significant synthesizers were Fritz Went and Dwight Billings. Fritz Went, the developer of the phytotron, was interested in physiology and secondarily in ecology. Dwight Billings was interested in the ecology of individuals and secondarily at first in a physiological viewpoint. Billings came from the Duke University tradition of plant ecology epitomized by Henry Oosting, a student of William Cooper. Fortunately, Duke University was a powerhouse in botany with several well-known plant physiologists, for example, Paul Kramer. Went and Billings were cheerleaders for both field and laboratory research, and it was this combination which catalyzed the emerging field of physiological ecology. Physiological ecology was seen by many ecologists as escaping the metaphysical arguments of community ecology and stressing a more mechanistic approach to understanding of the physiological connection to interactions between organisms and the physical environment.</p><p>The rest of Part 3 of Kingsland's book is an interesting set of case studies, which had significant impact on the growth of physiological ecology. For example, Cornelius H. Muller at the University of California, Santa Barbara disliked Bonner and Gray's chemical hypothesis that plants would produce toxic aerosols that affected their interactions. Muller became the chief spokesman of the critical approach called allelopathy. Allelopathy was a part of chemical ecology developed by Jean Langenheim. This research furthered the interest in the adaptive role of secondary metabolites in plant interactions. This included research on smog in Los Angeles and other natural pollutions. Jack Scholtz's experiments with potted plants in growth chambers showed that if he shredded leaves on one plant, other plants would elevate their chemical defenses. The plants were not connected. This was seen as so bizarre that his papers in scientific journals were repeated in the National Enquirer without change!</p><p>Another important research area was the transfer of nutrients and carbon between decomposing litter and plant roots in ecosystems by mycorrhiza. Kingsland spends, rightfully, quite a bit of time on the research of Nellie Stark and her pioneering work across several parts of ecology having to do with how plants can grow in areas of poor soils. This is one of the areas in which a large amount of effort was spent in deciding whether research projects in the field were actually explaining the transfer between decomposing litter and trees by fungi. This is a reoccurring problem that ecology has had in gaining enough convincing evidence for some general process. Often, the arguments are that this is fine in some particular situation but may not be a general explanation.</p><p>Part 3 of Kingsland's book is the most interesting because it covers so many diverse topics and individuals in their approaches, all of which are trying to connect and synthesize different parts of ecology. All of these case studies that Kingsland covers do not fit together easily into a smooth story, but it certainly leads to the complicated problems we have today in understanding the operations of earth systems. Kingsland is very good at showing how at the same time many different and at some times contrasting ideas are occurring in ecology. The difficulty is often how to see whether they are really related and whether they are worth further observations and experiments.</p><p>Read this book and keep it handy for reference of the history of physiological plant ecology.</p>","PeriodicalId":93418,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Ecological Society of America","volume":"105 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2024-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/bes2.2125","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"S.E. Kingsland's “A Lab For All Seasons”\",\"authors\":\"E. A. Johnson\",\"doi\":\"10.1002/bes2.2125\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>Sharon E. Kingsland is well known and respected by ecologists and historians of science for her many papers and several books on the history of ecology. Her most recent book is <i>A Lab For All Seasons: the laboratory revolution in modern botany and the rise of physiological plant ecology</i>, Yale University Press. The book is divided into three parts. Part 1 investigates the origin and development of the Phytotron; Part 2, the spread of the phytotron idea in its development around the world; and Part 3, the emergence and synthesis of ecology resulting in physiological ecology. This book is actually several books in one and many pages are often a gold mine of discussion of smaller topics. You can open the book at almost any page and find interesting information. Because of the diversity of topics, this book has an excellent index that helps you find many of these small topics. The book is a must read if you are interested in the development of ecology in the early postwar years. For anyone wishing an in-depth look at the individuals and the research endeavors in physiological ecology (in its widest sense), you will be amply rewarded.</p><p>Phytotrons are the name given to complex environmental chambers developed at Caltech in the 1930s and onward by Fritz Went and many others. You have to be of a certain age, remembering the post-World War II era and the emergence of the modern research university in the 1950s and 60s, to understand the excitement and potential that the development of a phytotron caused in the emerging experimental science of ecology. The phytotron raised the possibility of being able to create a chamber of diverse sizes to “create weather” where you could manipulate different combinations of environmental variables in a reproducible experimental design. In fact, you might eventually be able to have the weather differ in parts of a single phytotron.</p><p>The idea of a phytotron can be traced to Fritz Went's single-minded enthusiasm and his European research lineage from his father back to Julius Sachs' ideas in “Experimental Plant Physiology” (German edition, 1874 and English addition, 1882). One of Sachs' illuminating ideas was that plants had growth substances that moved through the plant affecting processes. Later, these were called auxins or plant hormones. This and other ideas provided a foundation that would require experiments in controlled environments. Thus, some kind of device, which allowed controlling of the plants' environment in a reproducible manner, could take both ecology and physiology from a descriptive and correlational methods into a more controlled and experimental discipline. From the very beginning the development of phytotrons pushed the engineering design capacities of the times and the conceptual ideas of what was to be physiological ecology. It made Fritz Went what today we would call a science entrepreneur.</p><p>The first half of Kingsland's book is about how Fritz Went energized many people everywhere in the world to develop larger and more sophisticated phytotrons. If you did not have a phytotron, you were just not part of what was happening. Part 2 involves a lengthy discussion of two case studies of the development of phytotrons in the Soviet Union and in Hungary. The Hungarian experience is an interesting entanglement of Lysenkoism and the DNA-central dogma of Watson and Crick with the dissenting ideas of Barry Commoner in the United States of Watson and Crick's ideas. The Cold War hype meant that even the Soviets built phytotrons, which undermined Lysenko's Lamarckian evolution idea by encouraging more rigorous experimental testing of Lysenko's ideas (which had frustrated the development of modern genetics in the Soviet Union). It is interesting to think that the glamour of the name “phytotron,” a version of the word cyclotron, was able to bridge the Cold War barriers between the West and the communist regimes.</p><p>The phytotron pushed the technology of the time and often was limited by the expense in building such complicated and innovative machines. One also has to remember the number of problems there were. Phytotrons were a plumber's nightmare. Kingsland hints at the problems in design and execution, which was to continue even into the 1980s with the infamous first version of Biosphere 2. The phytotrons taught us that we had to collaborate more closely with engineers and have better conceptual arguments of what we were trying to do in terms of lighting, humidity, the heat, and water budgets in the chambers, not just the factors but the processes they are a part of.</p><p>Went left Caltech in 1958 to go to the Missouri Botanical Garden. In 1963, he organized the building of a Climatron, not a phytotron, but a large glasshouse that displayed plants growing in different climate regions. In addition, Went developed a small plant growth chamber and another mobile laboratory like the one he had developed at Caltech. In 1965, he moved again to head a new laboratory in the Desert Research Institute at the University of Nevada-Reno. Fritz Went's moves are an indication of his salesmanship and his ability to raise money, particularly from the NSF and other private and government organizations. Went's replacement at Missouri was David M. Gates, the son of the early ecologist Frank Gates. David Gates was trained in physics and in land surface energy exchanges; he was to become well known for his research on biophysical ecology. It was Gates' research in the connection between the physical environment and organisms, which provided a theoretical and practical structure for parts of physiological ecology.</p><p>Part 3 of Kingsland's book develops the synthesis of physiology with ecology that produced the emerging field of physiological ecology. The two significant synthesizers were Fritz Went and Dwight Billings. Fritz Went, the developer of the phytotron, was interested in physiology and secondarily in ecology. Dwight Billings was interested in the ecology of individuals and secondarily at first in a physiological viewpoint. Billings came from the Duke University tradition of plant ecology epitomized by Henry Oosting, a student of William Cooper. Fortunately, Duke University was a powerhouse in botany with several well-known plant physiologists, for example, Paul Kramer. Went and Billings were cheerleaders for both field and laboratory research, and it was this combination which catalyzed the emerging field of physiological ecology. Physiological ecology was seen by many ecologists as escaping the metaphysical arguments of community ecology and stressing a more mechanistic approach to understanding of the physiological connection to interactions between organisms and the physical environment.</p><p>The rest of Part 3 of Kingsland's book is an interesting set of case studies, which had significant impact on the growth of physiological ecology. For example, Cornelius H. Muller at the University of California, Santa Barbara disliked Bonner and Gray's chemical hypothesis that plants would produce toxic aerosols that affected their interactions. Muller became the chief spokesman of the critical approach called allelopathy. Allelopathy was a part of chemical ecology developed by Jean Langenheim. This research furthered the interest in the adaptive role of secondary metabolites in plant interactions. This included research on smog in Los Angeles and other natural pollutions. Jack Scholtz's experiments with potted plants in growth chambers showed that if he shredded leaves on one plant, other plants would elevate their chemical defenses. The plants were not connected. This was seen as so bizarre that his papers in scientific journals were repeated in the National Enquirer without change!</p><p>Another important research area was the transfer of nutrients and carbon between decomposing litter and plant roots in ecosystems by mycorrhiza. Kingsland spends, rightfully, quite a bit of time on the research of Nellie Stark and her pioneering work across several parts of ecology having to do with how plants can grow in areas of poor soils. This is one of the areas in which a large amount of effort was spent in deciding whether research projects in the field were actually explaining the transfer between decomposing litter and trees by fungi. This is a reoccurring problem that ecology has had in gaining enough convincing evidence for some general process. Often, the arguments are that this is fine in some particular situation but may not be a general explanation.</p><p>Part 3 of Kingsland's book is the most interesting because it covers so many diverse topics and individuals in their approaches, all of which are trying to connect and synthesize different parts of ecology. All of these case studies that Kingsland covers do not fit together easily into a smooth story, but it certainly leads to the complicated problems we have today in understanding the operations of earth systems. Kingsland is very good at showing how at the same time many different and at some times contrasting ideas are occurring in ecology. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
1965 年,他再次搬迁,在内华达大学雷诺分校沙漠研究所领导一个新的实验室。弗里茨-温特的调动体现了他的推销能力和筹集资金的能力,尤其是从国家科学基金会和其他私人及政府组织筹集资金的能力。接替温特在密苏里州工作的是大卫-盖茨(David M. Gates),他是早期生态学家弗兰克-盖茨(Frank Gates)的儿子。戴维-盖茨接受过物理学和地表能量交换方面的训练;他后来以生物物理生态学研究而闻名。正是盖茨对物理环境与生物体之间联系的研究,为生理生态学的部分内容提供了理论和实践结构。金斯兰在书中的第 3 部分阐述了生理学与生态学的综合,由此产生了新兴的生理生态学领域。两个重要的综合者是弗里茨-温特和德怀特-比林斯。弗里茨-温特是植物电子显微镜的开发者,他对生理学感兴趣,其次才对生态学感兴趣。德怀特-比林斯(Dwight Billings)对个体的生态学感兴趣,起初主要从生理学角度看问题。比林斯来自杜克大学的植物生态学传统,威廉-库珀的学生亨利-奥斯汀(Henry Oosting)是这一传统的代表人物。幸运的是,杜克大学是植物学领域的强校,拥有多位著名的植物生理学家,例如保罗-克莱默(Paul Kramer)。温特和比林斯都是野外和实验室研究的啦啦队长,正是这种组合催化了新兴的生理生态学领域。许多生态学家认为,生理生态学摆脱了群落生态学的形而上学论点,强调以更加机械化的方法来理解生物与物理环境之间相互作用的生理联系。金斯兰这本书第 3 部分的其余部分是一组有趣的案例研究,对生理生态学的发展产生了重大影响。例如,加州大学圣巴巴拉分校的科尼利厄斯-H-穆勒(Cornelius H. Muller)不喜欢邦纳和格雷的化学假说,即植物会产生有毒气溶胶,从而影响它们之间的相互作用。穆勒成为被称为 "等位反应 "的关键方法的主要发言人。等位反应是让-朗根海姆(Jean Langenheim)提出的化学生态学的一部分。这项研究进一步激发了人们对次生代谢物在植物相互作用中的适应作用的兴趣。这包括对洛杉矶烟雾和其他自然污染的研究。杰克-肖尔茨(Jack Scholtz)在生长室中对盆栽植物进行的实验表明,如果他把一株植物的叶子撕碎,其他植物就会提高它们的化学防御能力。这些植物之间没有联系。这在人们看来是如此离奇,以至于他在科学杂志上发表的论文被《国家询问报》原封不动地重复刊登!另一个重要的研究领域是生态系统中腐烂的垃圾和植物根系之间通过菌根进行养分和碳的转移。金斯兰理所当然地花了大量时间介绍内莉-斯塔克的研究,以及她在生态学多个领域的开创性工作,这些工作涉及植物如何在贫瘠的土壤中生长。在这一领域,人们花费了大量精力来确定实地研究项目是否真正解释了真菌在腐烂垃圾和树木之间的转移。这是生态学在为某些一般过程获取足够令人信服的证据时经常遇到的问题。金斯兰这本书的第三部分是最有趣的,因为它涵盖了如此多不同的主题和个人方法,所有这些都在试图连接和综合生态学的不同部分。金斯兰所涉及的所有这些案例研究并不容易整合成一个流畅的故事,但肯定会引出我们今天在理解地球系统运作方面所面临的复杂问题。金斯兰非常善于展示生态学中如何同时出现许多不同的观点,有时甚至是截然相反的观点。阅读本书,并将其保存在手边,作为植物生理生态学历史的参考资料。
Sharon E. Kingsland is well known and respected by ecologists and historians of science for her many papers and several books on the history of ecology. Her most recent book is A Lab For All Seasons: the laboratory revolution in modern botany and the rise of physiological plant ecology, Yale University Press. The book is divided into three parts. Part 1 investigates the origin and development of the Phytotron; Part 2, the spread of the phytotron idea in its development around the world; and Part 3, the emergence and synthesis of ecology resulting in physiological ecology. This book is actually several books in one and many pages are often a gold mine of discussion of smaller topics. You can open the book at almost any page and find interesting information. Because of the diversity of topics, this book has an excellent index that helps you find many of these small topics. The book is a must read if you are interested in the development of ecology in the early postwar years. For anyone wishing an in-depth look at the individuals and the research endeavors in physiological ecology (in its widest sense), you will be amply rewarded.
Phytotrons are the name given to complex environmental chambers developed at Caltech in the 1930s and onward by Fritz Went and many others. You have to be of a certain age, remembering the post-World War II era and the emergence of the modern research university in the 1950s and 60s, to understand the excitement and potential that the development of a phytotron caused in the emerging experimental science of ecology. The phytotron raised the possibility of being able to create a chamber of diverse sizes to “create weather” where you could manipulate different combinations of environmental variables in a reproducible experimental design. In fact, you might eventually be able to have the weather differ in parts of a single phytotron.
The idea of a phytotron can be traced to Fritz Went's single-minded enthusiasm and his European research lineage from his father back to Julius Sachs' ideas in “Experimental Plant Physiology” (German edition, 1874 and English addition, 1882). One of Sachs' illuminating ideas was that plants had growth substances that moved through the plant affecting processes. Later, these were called auxins or plant hormones. This and other ideas provided a foundation that would require experiments in controlled environments. Thus, some kind of device, which allowed controlling of the plants' environment in a reproducible manner, could take both ecology and physiology from a descriptive and correlational methods into a more controlled and experimental discipline. From the very beginning the development of phytotrons pushed the engineering design capacities of the times and the conceptual ideas of what was to be physiological ecology. It made Fritz Went what today we would call a science entrepreneur.
The first half of Kingsland's book is about how Fritz Went energized many people everywhere in the world to develop larger and more sophisticated phytotrons. If you did not have a phytotron, you were just not part of what was happening. Part 2 involves a lengthy discussion of two case studies of the development of phytotrons in the Soviet Union and in Hungary. The Hungarian experience is an interesting entanglement of Lysenkoism and the DNA-central dogma of Watson and Crick with the dissenting ideas of Barry Commoner in the United States of Watson and Crick's ideas. The Cold War hype meant that even the Soviets built phytotrons, which undermined Lysenko's Lamarckian evolution idea by encouraging more rigorous experimental testing of Lysenko's ideas (which had frustrated the development of modern genetics in the Soviet Union). It is interesting to think that the glamour of the name “phytotron,” a version of the word cyclotron, was able to bridge the Cold War barriers between the West and the communist regimes.
The phytotron pushed the technology of the time and often was limited by the expense in building such complicated and innovative machines. One also has to remember the number of problems there were. Phytotrons were a plumber's nightmare. Kingsland hints at the problems in design and execution, which was to continue even into the 1980s with the infamous first version of Biosphere 2. The phytotrons taught us that we had to collaborate more closely with engineers and have better conceptual arguments of what we were trying to do in terms of lighting, humidity, the heat, and water budgets in the chambers, not just the factors but the processes they are a part of.
Went left Caltech in 1958 to go to the Missouri Botanical Garden. In 1963, he organized the building of a Climatron, not a phytotron, but a large glasshouse that displayed plants growing in different climate regions. In addition, Went developed a small plant growth chamber and another mobile laboratory like the one he had developed at Caltech. In 1965, he moved again to head a new laboratory in the Desert Research Institute at the University of Nevada-Reno. Fritz Went's moves are an indication of his salesmanship and his ability to raise money, particularly from the NSF and other private and government organizations. Went's replacement at Missouri was David M. Gates, the son of the early ecologist Frank Gates. David Gates was trained in physics and in land surface energy exchanges; he was to become well known for his research on biophysical ecology. It was Gates' research in the connection between the physical environment and organisms, which provided a theoretical and practical structure for parts of physiological ecology.
Part 3 of Kingsland's book develops the synthesis of physiology with ecology that produced the emerging field of physiological ecology. The two significant synthesizers were Fritz Went and Dwight Billings. Fritz Went, the developer of the phytotron, was interested in physiology and secondarily in ecology. Dwight Billings was interested in the ecology of individuals and secondarily at first in a physiological viewpoint. Billings came from the Duke University tradition of plant ecology epitomized by Henry Oosting, a student of William Cooper. Fortunately, Duke University was a powerhouse in botany with several well-known plant physiologists, for example, Paul Kramer. Went and Billings were cheerleaders for both field and laboratory research, and it was this combination which catalyzed the emerging field of physiological ecology. Physiological ecology was seen by many ecologists as escaping the metaphysical arguments of community ecology and stressing a more mechanistic approach to understanding of the physiological connection to interactions between organisms and the physical environment.
The rest of Part 3 of Kingsland's book is an interesting set of case studies, which had significant impact on the growth of physiological ecology. For example, Cornelius H. Muller at the University of California, Santa Barbara disliked Bonner and Gray's chemical hypothesis that plants would produce toxic aerosols that affected their interactions. Muller became the chief spokesman of the critical approach called allelopathy. Allelopathy was a part of chemical ecology developed by Jean Langenheim. This research furthered the interest in the adaptive role of secondary metabolites in plant interactions. This included research on smog in Los Angeles and other natural pollutions. Jack Scholtz's experiments with potted plants in growth chambers showed that if he shredded leaves on one plant, other plants would elevate their chemical defenses. The plants were not connected. This was seen as so bizarre that his papers in scientific journals were repeated in the National Enquirer without change!
Another important research area was the transfer of nutrients and carbon between decomposing litter and plant roots in ecosystems by mycorrhiza. Kingsland spends, rightfully, quite a bit of time on the research of Nellie Stark and her pioneering work across several parts of ecology having to do with how plants can grow in areas of poor soils. This is one of the areas in which a large amount of effort was spent in deciding whether research projects in the field were actually explaining the transfer between decomposing litter and trees by fungi. This is a reoccurring problem that ecology has had in gaining enough convincing evidence for some general process. Often, the arguments are that this is fine in some particular situation but may not be a general explanation.
Part 3 of Kingsland's book is the most interesting because it covers so many diverse topics and individuals in their approaches, all of which are trying to connect and synthesize different parts of ecology. All of these case studies that Kingsland covers do not fit together easily into a smooth story, but it certainly leads to the complicated problems we have today in understanding the operations of earth systems. Kingsland is very good at showing how at the same time many different and at some times contrasting ideas are occurring in ecology. The difficulty is often how to see whether they are really related and whether they are worth further observations and experiments.
Read this book and keep it handy for reference of the history of physiological plant ecology.