简·科林斯对“2019冠状病毒病后的工作改造”的评论

Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI:10.1111/awr.12249
Elizabeth Ferry
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A major catalyst and symptom of this decline was the rise of the preeminently disembedded concept of shareholder value, which allowed for the dislocation of social utility or a labor theory of value from share prices (Collins, <span>2016</span>, <span>2017</span>). Like a number of other scholars (Federici, <span>2018</span>; Fraser, <span>2017</span>; Gibson-Graham, <span>2006</span>; Graeber, <span>2019</span>; Hart et al., <span>2010</span>), she focused attention on how valuation happens in capitalist economies and how definitions of value render certain problems and populations outside its frame, literally invisible or, as Michel-Rolph Trouillot would describe it, “unthinkable” (<span>1991</span>). Collins aims to expand the thinkability of forms of valuation that account for things like just distribution, social reproduction, and generational transfer.</p><p><i>The Politics of Value</i> focused on three cases emergent in the mid-2010s, centered on ethical corporate practices, place-based and “slow” capital projects, and contention over labor in the context of public and civil service. Building on the insights of that earlier inquiry, especially the focus on valuation as political, Collins opens her <span>2023</span> article by saying, “Calling something valuable is always a discursive move, but it is part of a discourse about materiality. The conversations about economic value described in this paper all contend with the fact that our contemporary accounting practices fail to register activities essential for social life and that this failure has material consequences” (2023, 2). Materiality here has two related and important meanings: it refers to the tangible, apprehensible effects of valuation and revaluation, and also their relevance—how they matter for people. The COVID-19 pandemic, especially in its earlier phases, caused us to focus attention on what matters—thus bringing into view who the “essential workers” are, what is “essential” in the economy, and what infrastructure is required, in the first place, to meet social needs. Collins's emphasis on value as political and therefore contentious allows us to see how people prise open spaces where these questions can be seen, can be discussed, and can become thinkable in the first place.</p><p>Collins soberly describes the catastrophic circumstances of 2020–2021 while also keeping an eye on the ways revaluation projects provided chances for greater alignment between the economy-as-it-is and the economy-as-it-could-be with greater inclusion, distribution, and welfare. Words like <i>open</i>, <i>question</i>, and <i>visionary</i> reflect Collins's emphasis on how crisis created opportunity for change, particularly conceptual and political change at the level of value. And at the time of the Conrad Arensberg panel at the American Anthropology Meetings in 2021, rescheduled from 2020, hybrid in format and hemmed in all sides by lockdown, dislocation and uncertainty, this fragile optimism was palpable. Paradoxically, even as we couldn't move around physically and the outside world seemed (and for some more than others) full of danger, the roadblocks to collective discussion and action seemed to have crumbled.</p><p>As Collins notes in the latter part of her essay, the original parts of the Build Back Better legislation focused on “care as infrastructure” did not survive the lengthy congressional battles, harkening a gloomier, though not unexpected, closure of this period of openness. In early 2023, the thinkability of what can and cannot be done in work and policy seems to be receding, replaced by a business-as-usual, head-in-the-sand public mood, punctuated by booms and panics around cryptocurrencies and artificial intelligence (AI). 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引用次数: 0

摘要

简·柯林斯(Jane Collins)的著作《价值政治:改变我们如何看待经济的三场运动》(2017)写于世界金融危机的前前后后,该书讲述了美国经济和金融的历史,从根本上讲,这是一段独特的人类学历史。我的意思并不是说它借鉴了所谓的西方或所谓的市场化社会之外的研究,而是说它的分析是从质疑那些被认为理所当然的假设开始的,这些假设是经济组织和工作的价值所在。1在《价值政治》一书中,柯林斯讲述了“嵌入式自由主义妥协”衰落的历史(Ruggie, 1982, 1991)。这种下降的一个主要催化剂和症状是股东价值概念的显著脱离,这使得社会效用或劳动价值论与股价脱节(Collins, 2016, 2017)。与其他一些学者一样(Federici, 2018;弗雷泽,2017;Gibson-Graham, 2006;格雷柏,2019;Hart et al., 2010),她将注意力集中在资本主义经济中估值是如何发生的,以及价值的定义如何使某些问题和人群在其框架之外,实际上是不可见的,或者正如米歇尔-罗尔夫·特鲁洛特(Michel-Rolph Trouillot)所描述的那样,“不可想象”(1991)。柯林斯的目标是扩大估值形式的可思考性,以解释公平分配、社会再生产和代际转移等问题。《价值政治》关注的是2010年代中期出现的三个案例,主要集中在道德企业实践、基于地点和“缓慢”的资本项目,以及公共和行政服务背景下的劳工争议。基于早期调查的见解,特别是对估值作为政治的关注,柯林斯在她2023年的文章中写道:“称某物有价值总是一种话语的举动,但它是关于物质性的话语的一部分。本文中描述的关于经济价值的对话都与这样一个事实相争辩,即我们当代的会计实践未能记录社会生活中必不可少的活动,而这种失败具有物质后果”(2023,2)。这里的重要性有两个相关且重要的含义:它指的是估值和重估的有形、可理解的影响,以及它们的相关性——它们对人们的影响。COVID-19大流行,特别是在其早期阶段,促使我们将注意力集中在重要的事情上,从而认识到谁是“关键工人”,经济中什么是“关键”,以及首先需要什么样的基础设施来满足社会需求。柯林斯对价值的强调是政治性的,因此是有争议的,这让我们看到人们是如何开辟开放空间的,在那里这些问题可以被看到,可以被讨论,并且可以首先被思考。柯林斯冷静地描述了2020-2021年的灾难性情况,同时也密切关注重估项目的方式,这些项目为经济现状和经济未来之间的更大协调提供了机会,带来了更大的包容性、分配和福利。像“开放”、“质疑”和“有远见的”这样的词反映了柯林斯对危机如何创造变革机会的强调,特别是在价值层面上的观念和政治变革。2021年,康拉德·阿仑斯伯格(Conrad Arensberg)在美国人类学会议(American Anthropology Meetings)上召开了小组讨论,会议从2020年改期,形式混杂,四面受困于封锁、错位和不确定性,这种脆弱的乐观情绪显而易见。矛盾的是,即使我们的身体无法移动,外部世界似乎(对某些人来说)充满了危险,集体讨论和行动的障碍似乎已经崩溃。正如柯林斯在她文章的后半部分所指出的那样,“重建更好”立法的最初部分侧重于“将医疗保健作为基础设施”,并没有在漫长的国会斗争中幸存下来,这让这段开放时期的结束更加令人沮丧,尽管并非出乎意料。2023年初,关于工作和政策能做什么和不能做什么的可思考性似乎正在消退,取而代之的是一种一切照旧、逃避现实的公众情绪,不时出现围绕加密货币和人工智能(AI)的繁荣和恐慌。那么,对于那些长期以来一直看到这些事情的人来说,这似乎是新的压力和行动主义的时刻。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。

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Commentary on “Revaluing work after COVID-19” by Jane Collins

Written in the swim and wake of the world financial crisis, Jane Collins's book The Politics of Value: Three Movements to Change How We Think about the Economy (2017) tells a history of the US economy and finance that is fundamentally and distinctively anthropological. By this I mean not that it draws on research outside of the so-called West or so-called market-based societies but that it begins its analysis by questioning the taken-for-granted assumptions upon which the economy is organized and work is valued.1

In The Politics of Value, Collins told the history of the decline of “the embedded liberalism compromise” (Ruggie, 1982, 1991). A major catalyst and symptom of this decline was the rise of the preeminently disembedded concept of shareholder value, which allowed for the dislocation of social utility or a labor theory of value from share prices (Collins, 2016, 2017). Like a number of other scholars (Federici, 2018; Fraser, 2017; Gibson-Graham, 2006; Graeber, 2019; Hart et al., 2010), she focused attention on how valuation happens in capitalist economies and how definitions of value render certain problems and populations outside its frame, literally invisible or, as Michel-Rolph Trouillot would describe it, “unthinkable” (1991). Collins aims to expand the thinkability of forms of valuation that account for things like just distribution, social reproduction, and generational transfer.

The Politics of Value focused on three cases emergent in the mid-2010s, centered on ethical corporate practices, place-based and “slow” capital projects, and contention over labor in the context of public and civil service. Building on the insights of that earlier inquiry, especially the focus on valuation as political, Collins opens her 2023 article by saying, “Calling something valuable is always a discursive move, but it is part of a discourse about materiality. The conversations about economic value described in this paper all contend with the fact that our contemporary accounting practices fail to register activities essential for social life and that this failure has material consequences” (2023, 2). Materiality here has two related and important meanings: it refers to the tangible, apprehensible effects of valuation and revaluation, and also their relevance—how they matter for people. The COVID-19 pandemic, especially in its earlier phases, caused us to focus attention on what matters—thus bringing into view who the “essential workers” are, what is “essential” in the economy, and what infrastructure is required, in the first place, to meet social needs. Collins's emphasis on value as political and therefore contentious allows us to see how people prise open spaces where these questions can be seen, can be discussed, and can become thinkable in the first place.

Collins soberly describes the catastrophic circumstances of 2020–2021 while also keeping an eye on the ways revaluation projects provided chances for greater alignment between the economy-as-it-is and the economy-as-it-could-be with greater inclusion, distribution, and welfare. Words like open, question, and visionary reflect Collins's emphasis on how crisis created opportunity for change, particularly conceptual and political change at the level of value. And at the time of the Conrad Arensberg panel at the American Anthropology Meetings in 2021, rescheduled from 2020, hybrid in format and hemmed in all sides by lockdown, dislocation and uncertainty, this fragile optimism was palpable. Paradoxically, even as we couldn't move around physically and the outside world seemed (and for some more than others) full of danger, the roadblocks to collective discussion and action seemed to have crumbled.

As Collins notes in the latter part of her essay, the original parts of the Build Back Better legislation focused on “care as infrastructure” did not survive the lengthy congressional battles, harkening a gloomier, though not unexpected, closure of this period of openness. In early 2023, the thinkability of what can and cannot be done in work and policy seems to be receding, replaced by a business-as-usual, head-in-the-sand public mood, punctuated by booms and panics around cryptocurrencies and artificial intelligence (AI). It would seem then, that this is the moment of renewed pressure and activism for those who have seen these things for a long time.

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