债务的监狱:被监禁的父亲的后生

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Contemporary Sociology-A Journal of Reviews Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI:10.1177/00943061231191421n
Veronica L. Horowitz
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引用次数: 3

摘要

调查对象的成长经历如何影响了他们的职业和婚姻理想,而这早在他们踏入莫尔豪斯学院校园之前就已经发生了。人口统计当然不是命运,莫尔豪斯是如何重申或取消受人尊敬或负责任的男子气概的范围的,这是种族男子形成故事的一部分,不能脱离同样陷入“莫伊尼汉”项目的更大社会背景(第109页)。然而,我怀疑,无论有没有莫尔豪斯品牌,莫伊尼哈尼的想象都将成为男性可敬和负责任的男子气概框架的核心。格朗迪从黑人男性的经历中挖掘个人烦恼和公共问题之间的动态关系(也许是相互加强的),可能提供了有价值的见解。在描述她的方法时,Grundy将她的调查参数设置为由33个电话访谈组成(第24页)。将她涉猎广泛的研究局限于严格的社会学探究,是不公正的。事实上,格朗迪的成就远不止于此:在某种程度上,这本书是她对魔咒之家经历的回忆录——以一位前“魔力红与白小姐”的特权视角,深入了解学术文献,辅以回顾性访谈。她经常以第一人称回忆,她与受访者分享的笑声表明,她的发现是如何来自一种新颖的方法,在这种方法中,她的研究项目与她的成年生活和友谊之间的界限模糊了。这一研究在很大程度上得益于格朗迪的特殊地位。她作为“局外人姐妹”(第30页)的身份,除了方便访问之外,从理论和选址到洞察和分析,对她的整个项目都是不可或缺的。这不仅导致了一种高度可理解的叙述,而且,在新兴的非殖民化的杜波依斯传统中,它还提供了一个具体的实例,说明立场理论和方法论的扩展为社会学研究提供了什么——这门学科将更加丰富。社会科学家对他们的问题有个人利害关系,同情他们的研究对象,并以传记的方式沉浸在他们的网站中,这不仅仅是增加了不同的视角。正如《可敬》杂志所展示的那样,他们可以进行更深入、更细致的研究。因此,格伦迪用这段有力的反思来结束她的文章:“这是我读研究生的故事,为了掌握一门科学学科,只是为了把故事讲对,我有一个明确的目标,那就是我对这个机构有一些了解,这将有利于我们的人民了解”(第277页)。
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Prisons of Debt: The Afterlives of Incarcerated Fathers
engagement with how her respondents’ upbringings shaped the connections they drew to their professional and marital ideals—well prior to setting foot on the Morehouse campus. Demography is of course not destiny, and how Morehouse reaffirmed or foreclosed the range of respectable or responsible masculinities is part of the story of the making of race men that cannot be divorced from a larger societal context similarly immersed in ‘‘Moynihanian’’ projects (p. 109). Yet I suspect that with or without the Morehouse Brand the Moynihanian imaginary would have been central to the men’s framings of respectable and responsible manhood. Grundy might have provided valuable insight by engaging the (perhaps mutually reinforcing) dynamic between personal troubles and public issues from within the Black male experience. Describing her methods, Grundy sets the parameters of her investigation as consisting of 33 phone interviews (p. 24). Confining her wide-ranging study to its strictly sociological interrogation does not do it justice. What Grundy achieved is in fact much more: in part, it is a memoir of her SpelHouse experience—with the privileged perspective of a former Miss Maroon and White, deeply informed by the scholarly literature and complemented by retrospective interviews. Her frequent breaks into firstperson recollections and the laughs she shares with her respondents indicate how her findings derive from a methodological novelty in which the boundaries between her research project and her adult life and friendships blur. This was a study to a large extent facilitated by Grundy’s exceptional positionality. Her identity as ‘‘sister-outsider’’ (p. 30), beyond facilitating access, was integral to her entire project, from theory and site selection to insight and analysis. Not only did this result in a highly accessible narrative, but it also, in the emergent decolonial, Du Boisian tradition, provides a concrete instance of what standpoint theory and methodological expansiveness offer sociological research—the discipline would be richer to name it. Social scientists with personal stakes in their questions, sympathetic to their subjects, and biographically immersed in their sites do more than add diverse perspectives. As Respectable shows, they can produce deeper, more nuanced research. And so Grundy concludes hers with this powerful reflection: ‘‘It is the story I went to graduate school for, in order to master a scientific discipline just to get the story right, with the one clear objective that I had some truth on this institution that would benefit our people to know’’ (p. 277).
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