Optimal place specification, element headedness and surface velar palatalization in Polish

Abstract The paper postulates that the propensity of Polish velar consonants to undergo palatalization is the consequence of the activity of a violable constraint which requires autosegmental place nodes to be associated with one and only one element. Since velars are the only consonants which lack place specification, the spreading of the palatality element |I| onto velars leads to the avoidance of the violation of the relevant constraint. As the palatalizing element |I| must entertain the status of the head, the underapplication of Surface Velar Palatalization before the front mid nasal vowel /ɛ̃/, headed by element |L|, and the vowel /ɛ/ found in some borrowings and headed by element |A|, is enforced by the constraint punishing representations in which more than one element plays the role of the head.