自由裁量权作为对付外国人的政治武器

IF 0.3 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Etikk I Praksis Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI:10.5324/EIP.V14I2.3479
A. Spire
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引用次数: 4

摘要

处理移民入境的官员的行政做法表明,移民政策在实地执行的方式存在严重差异。在作者看来,待遇的不平等体现在他追随皮埃尔•布迪厄(Pierre Bourdieu)所称的移民“领域”中任务和服务的等级。根据作者的说法,政府的证券化优先事项倾向于对外国人的怀疑,媒体随后复制了这种怀疑,从而授权所谓的街头官僚在移民问题上有很大的回旋余地。在压力之下,政府实施了作者所称的“错视政策”,探索了国际法和国内法之间的矛盾:当国家执行压制性的法律,显然符合基本人权时,它给低级公务员足够的自由裁量权,使这些权利无效。这一点是作者的中心论点。这些官员的随意性既不是偶然的,也不是偶然的:它实际上构成了一种有目的的“一线政策”,旨在扩大负责管理招生的基层官僚的自由裁量权。在这种情况下,不平等待遇表现为三种形式。首先,要求官员确保授予外国人的每一项权利不会威胁到国家秩序,即经济、社会和政治秩序。因此,他们可以根据自己对这种“威胁”的内容的任意解释来判断每项适用的适宜性。自由裁量权的问题以这种方式与法律面前人人平等的问题密切相关。其次,用于接待移民服务的物资和人力资源的匮乏,与驱逐外国人的支出形成鲜明对比。不平等还源于代理人如何看待用户,以及他们执行法律的余地。第三,不平等与外国人挑战自由裁量权的能力和手段有关,特别是通过他们使用的法律工具或通过法律中介。因此,作者的结论是,这种“前线政策”越来越多地被用作对付移民的武器,特别是自21世纪初以来,移民和拘留政策在法国普遍化。更广泛地说,在欧洲和美国,移民改革更多地利用了拘留,并将重点放在执法上,而不是为寻求庇护者提供收容项目和服务。但它们也加强了法律中介机构的作用。因此,有必要调查自由裁量权是如何受到挑战的,因为它揭示了国家与移民之间的权力关系。关键词:外国人,自由裁量权,社会学,参与观察,一线政策,非法主义,就业,不安全感,法律中介
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Discretionary power as a political weapon against foreigners
The administrative practices of officials who process the admission of immigrants show severe variations in the ways in which migration policy is enforced on the ground. For the author, inequality of treatment lies in the very hierarchy of tasks and services of what he dubs, following Pierre Bourdieu, the immigration "field". According to the author, the governments’ securitizing priorities favour the sort of suspicion towards foreigners that the media then reproduces, thus authorizing so-called street-level bureaucrats to act with great leeway with regard to immigrants. Under pressure, governments implement what the author calls a "trompe-l’oeil policy" that explores the ambivalence between international and domestic law: while the state enforces repressive laws that apparently comply with fundamental human rights, it leaves to low-ranking civil servants enough discretion to make those rights ineffective. This point is the author’s central contention. The arbitrariness of these officials is neither contingent nor accidental: it actually constitutes a purposive "front-line policy" to enlarge the discretionary power of street-level bureaucrats in charge of regulating admissions. Unequal treatment comes in three flavours in this context. First, officials are asked to ensure that each right granted to a foreigner will not threaten the national order, which means the economic, social and political order. They are therefore in a position to judge the suitability of each application in view of their own arbitrary interpretation of what such "threats" consist of. The question of discretionary power is in this way intimately linked to the problem of equality before the law. Second, the scarcity of material and human resources allocated to services in charge of welcoming migrants starkly contrasts with the expenditure incurred to deport foreigners. Inequality also arises from how agents perceive users and the leeway they have to implement the law. Third, inequality is related to foreigners’ abilities and means to challenge discretionary power, especially through the legal tools they use or through legal intermediaries. The author thus concludes that such "front-line policy" has increasingly been used as a weapon against migrants, especially since the early 2000s, when immigration and detention policies were generalized in France. More broadly, in Europe as well as in United States, immigration reforms have made greater use of detention and focused on enforcement rather than on hosting programs and services for asylum seekers. But they have also strengthened the role of legal intermediaries. Hence the need to investigate how discretionary power is challenged as it sheds light on the power relations between states and migrants. Keywords: foreigners, discretion, sociology, participant observation, front-line policy, illegalism, jobs, insecurity, legal intermediaries
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Etikk I Praksis
Etikk I Praksis Multiple-
CiteScore
0.50
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审稿时长
16 weeks
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