{"title":"18世纪伦敦的“职业母亲”","authors":"Alexandra Shepard","doi":"10.1093/hwj/dbad008","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The phrase ‘working mother’ was a mid-nineteenth-century addition to the English lexicon that would have been incomprehensible to the inhabitants of early modern Britain. There were very few circumstances in which a mother did not work, whether in return for income, as a producer for home consumption, and/or as a provider of ‘subsistence services’ (involving unpaid laundry, housework, meal preparation, and the personal care of dependents). The majority of mothers who managed households – either jointly as wives or singly as widows – also undertook responsibility for delegating work to others, especially (but not exclusively) to servants. Illness was as likely a diversion for mothers from income-generating work as either unpaid childcare or leisure. The common perception that women combining motherhood with other employment is a relatively recent phenomenon overlooks a much longer history of maternal duty, understood as much in terms of provision as in terms of a unique and irreplaceable affective commitment to the personal care and socialization of children. The term ‘working mother’ is, of course, highly problematic both because of its suggestion that mothering is not work and because it implies that mothering should preclude paid work – notions originating in nineteenth-century AngloAmerican discourse with the concept of the male breadwinner wage, separate spheres ideology, and the re-categorization of housewives as ‘dependents’. Cross-culturally and over the longue durée, mothering has been (and continues to be) experienced as work, although its characterization within capitalist systems consistently overlooks this dimension, emphasizing instead mothering’s moral or affective characteristics. In response, twentieth-century social reproduction feminism has emphasized both the costs and value of unpaid care work, in terms of its discriminatory consequences for women (within the waged workforce as well as beyond it), and in terms of the accrual of its value within broader capitalist systems which could not function without unpaid care – which, if properly valued, can represent staggering proportions of GDP. Feminist economists have long urged for the inclusion of unpaid care work in Systems of National Accounting alongside subsistence production, to date unsuccessfully (although a broader range of subsistence services, including unpaid care, features in the Satellite Accounts that assess sectors not represented in National Accounts). Questions surrounding the definition of ‘production boundaries’ – the parameters determining what work counts as ‘productive’ to an economy – remain fraught with","PeriodicalId":1,"journal":{"name":"Accounts of Chemical Research","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":16.4000,"publicationDate":"2023-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"‘Working Mothers’ in Eighteenth-Century London\",\"authors\":\"Alexandra Shepard\",\"doi\":\"10.1093/hwj/dbad008\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"The phrase ‘working mother’ was a mid-nineteenth-century addition to the English lexicon that would have been incomprehensible to the inhabitants of early modern Britain. There were very few circumstances in which a mother did not work, whether in return for income, as a producer for home consumption, and/or as a provider of ‘subsistence services’ (involving unpaid laundry, housework, meal preparation, and the personal care of dependents). The majority of mothers who managed households – either jointly as wives or singly as widows – also undertook responsibility for delegating work to others, especially (but not exclusively) to servants. Illness was as likely a diversion for mothers from income-generating work as either unpaid childcare or leisure. The common perception that women combining motherhood with other employment is a relatively recent phenomenon overlooks a much longer history of maternal duty, understood as much in terms of provision as in terms of a unique and irreplaceable affective commitment to the personal care and socialization of children. The term ‘working mother’ is, of course, highly problematic both because of its suggestion that mothering is not work and because it implies that mothering should preclude paid work – notions originating in nineteenth-century AngloAmerican discourse with the concept of the male breadwinner wage, separate spheres ideology, and the re-categorization of housewives as ‘dependents’. Cross-culturally and over the longue durée, mothering has been (and continues to be) experienced as work, although its characterization within capitalist systems consistently overlooks this dimension, emphasizing instead mothering’s moral or affective characteristics. In response, twentieth-century social reproduction feminism has emphasized both the costs and value of unpaid care work, in terms of its discriminatory consequences for women (within the waged workforce as well as beyond it), and in terms of the accrual of its value within broader capitalist systems which could not function without unpaid care – which, if properly valued, can represent staggering proportions of GDP. Feminist economists have long urged for the inclusion of unpaid care work in Systems of National Accounting alongside subsistence production, to date unsuccessfully (although a broader range of subsistence services, including unpaid care, features in the Satellite Accounts that assess sectors not represented in National Accounts). 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The phrase ‘working mother’ was a mid-nineteenth-century addition to the English lexicon that would have been incomprehensible to the inhabitants of early modern Britain. There were very few circumstances in which a mother did not work, whether in return for income, as a producer for home consumption, and/or as a provider of ‘subsistence services’ (involving unpaid laundry, housework, meal preparation, and the personal care of dependents). The majority of mothers who managed households – either jointly as wives or singly as widows – also undertook responsibility for delegating work to others, especially (but not exclusively) to servants. Illness was as likely a diversion for mothers from income-generating work as either unpaid childcare or leisure. The common perception that women combining motherhood with other employment is a relatively recent phenomenon overlooks a much longer history of maternal duty, understood as much in terms of provision as in terms of a unique and irreplaceable affective commitment to the personal care and socialization of children. The term ‘working mother’ is, of course, highly problematic both because of its suggestion that mothering is not work and because it implies that mothering should preclude paid work – notions originating in nineteenth-century AngloAmerican discourse with the concept of the male breadwinner wage, separate spheres ideology, and the re-categorization of housewives as ‘dependents’. Cross-culturally and over the longue durée, mothering has been (and continues to be) experienced as work, although its characterization within capitalist systems consistently overlooks this dimension, emphasizing instead mothering’s moral or affective characteristics. In response, twentieth-century social reproduction feminism has emphasized both the costs and value of unpaid care work, in terms of its discriminatory consequences for women (within the waged workforce as well as beyond it), and in terms of the accrual of its value within broader capitalist systems which could not function without unpaid care – which, if properly valued, can represent staggering proportions of GDP. Feminist economists have long urged for the inclusion of unpaid care work in Systems of National Accounting alongside subsistence production, to date unsuccessfully (although a broader range of subsistence services, including unpaid care, features in the Satellite Accounts that assess sectors not represented in National Accounts). Questions surrounding the definition of ‘production boundaries’ – the parameters determining what work counts as ‘productive’ to an economy – remain fraught with
期刊介绍:
Accounts of Chemical Research presents short, concise and critical articles offering easy-to-read overviews of basic research and applications in all areas of chemistry and biochemistry. These short reviews focus on research from the author’s own laboratory and are designed to teach the reader about a research project. In addition, Accounts of Chemical Research publishes commentaries that give an informed opinion on a current research problem. Special Issues online are devoted to a single topic of unusual activity and significance.
Accounts of Chemical Research replaces the traditional article abstract with an article "Conspectus." These entries synopsize the research affording the reader a closer look at the content and significance of an article. Through this provision of a more detailed description of the article contents, the Conspectus enhances the article's discoverability by search engines and the exposure for the research.