处于十字路口的加拿大:边界、桥梁和土著定居者关系中的莱塞兹公平种族主义

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Contemporary Sociology-A Journal of Reviews Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI:10.1177/00943061231172096g
Sofia Locklear
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引用次数: 1

摘要

(尤其是他们在城市和运动中的空间和社会位置),这并不总是可用的,给读者创造了一些距离。在前两章和结束语中也有一种超然感,在结束语中,大量直接引用其他学者和来源的文章,让人觉得文章的流畅性被打断了。虽然作为一个对空间和抗议动态感兴趣的人,我很欣赏这本书对空间的关注,但有时很难跟上作者对空间动态的方法。例如,在开篇,这本书似乎把空间作为社会行动主义的一个重要元素,而不仅仅是完全关于空间政治的行动主义。然而,在本书的后面,几乎所有关于运动空间和空间策略的例子都与主要或完全关注城市权利类型问题的运动有关。此外,运动场景和运动结果之间关系的复杂性可以用一种更细致的方式来讨论。Creasap提到,在她的实地考察中,Malmö的城市进程反映了斯德哥尔摩和Göteborg几十年前的经历——主要是通过发展和中产阶级化来摆脱工人阶级社区,因此,取代了长期居民和活动家。她分别在斯德哥尔摩和Göteborg中介绍了“脆弱”和“羽化”场景的概念,并解释了这些场景是如何分散的,缺乏中心性,连通性和可见性,因此与Malmö中观察到的场景相比,影响力较小。Creasap暗示,脆弱和羽翼未尽的场景是社会运动失败的结果,这些运动试图(但失败了?)在斯德哥尔摩和Göteborg保留空间,这反过来又使它们在研究时的影响力减弱。虽然她关于这些动态如何影响未来方向和锻造团结的讨论令人信服,但很难将运动场景的弱点仅仅视为空间(以及中心性,连通性和可见性的衡量标准),而不是更广泛地与当前城市政治和运动在当前权力结构中的地位相关。总的来说,这本书是一个重要的提醒,如何考虑和研究运动场景(或更广泛地说,运动的空间和时间动态)可以增强我们对社会运动,行动主义和城市背景的理解。过去十年的运动,包括“阿拉伯之春”、“占领”运动和“黑人的命也重要”运动等,再次向我们展示了物理空间的重要性。这本书可以帮助我们在更全球化的背景下思考这些空间动态,Creasap在她的书的最后一段恰如其分地提醒我们注意这一点。
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Canada at a Crossroads: Boundaries, Bridges, and Laissez-Faire Racism in Indigenous-Settler Relations
well (especially their spatial and social locations within cities and within the movement), which was not always available and created some distance for the reader. The sense of detachment was also present in the first two chapters and the conclusion, where lots of direct quotes from other scholars and sources made the flow feel disrupted. Although as someone who is interested in space and protest dynamics, I appreciated the book’s spatial focus, it was at times hard to follow the author’s approach to spatial dynamics. For instance, at the beginning, the book seems to attend to space as an important element of social activism, and not merely activism that is entirely about spatial politics. Later in the book, however, almost all examples of movement spaces and spatial tactics are related to movements that are primarily or entirely focused on the right to the city type of issues. Furthermore, the complexities of the relation between movement scenes and movements’ outcomes could be discussed in a more nuanced way. As one example, Creasap mentions that during her fieldwork, urban processes in Malmö mirrored those that Stockholm and Göteborg went through decades before—mainly getting rid of the working-class neighborhoods through development and gentrification and, consequently, displacing long-term residents and activists. She introduces the concepts of ‘‘fragile’’ and ‘‘fledging’’ scenes in Stockholm and Göteborg respectively and explains how these scenes are spread out, lack centrality, connectivity, and visibility, and thus, are less influential compared to the scene observed in Malmö. Creasap implies that the fragile and fledging scenes are results of the demise of social movements that tried (but failed?) to preserve space in Stockholm and Göteborg, which in turn makes them less influential at the time of research. While her discussion of how these dynamics impact orientation to the future and forging solidarities was compelling, it was harder to see the movement scenes weaknesses as only spatial (and a measure of centrality, connectivity, and visibility) and not more broadly related to current urban politics and movements’ position within current power structures. Overall, the book is an important reminder of how considering and studying movement scenes (or more broadly, movements’ spatial and temporal dynamics) can enhance our understanding of social movements, activism, and urban contexts. The movements of the past decade, including the Arab Spring, the Occupy movement, and the Black Lives Matter movement, among others, have shown us once again the importance of physical spaces. The book can help in thinking through these spatial dynamics in a more global context, something that in the last paragraph of her book Creasap rightfully calls our attention to.
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