Kandace D. Hollenbach, I. Daniel, David G. Anderson
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Halligan and colleagues (this volume), Strawn and colleagues (this volume), and Gingerich (this volume) all employ a larger set of sites in their respective regions to explore site choice among Early Archaic foragers. This is enabled partly by the additional archaeological investigations that have been performed in the intervening years, but also by the increased accessibility to large datasets fostered by the Digital Index of North American Archaeology (Anderson et al. 2017). All four sets of authors, including Jennings and colleagues (this volume), overlay site locations with distributions of resources, ecotone associations, and physiographic locales to ascertain factors that played into mobility decisions of early foragers. Several of the papers also expand on lithic analyses, delving deeper into assemblages from previously excavated sites to discern site use (Gingerich, this volume) or comparing hafted biface morphologies to sort out communities of practice (Jennings et al., this volume). Both present avenues by which we can reassess the large quantities of lithic artifacts from previously excavated sites and avocational collections. Perhaps above all, these articles also highlight the fact that there is not a one-size-fits-all model that applies to all situations. Daniel (1998, 2001) observed this when he compared the data he saw in North Carolina, where tool stone distributions are much different than in the Piedmont and Coastal Plains of South Carolina, to Anderson and Hanson’s (1988) model. I similarly found that the stone-rich landscape of northwest Alabama produced a different pattern than Randy or David saw. Each set of authors here come to similar conclusions – that there are some areas where these three models may apply better than others, but each region also presents a particular distribution of particular sets of resources that may vary (more or less) in time and space. And it is exciting (and perhaps should not be surprising) – that we do not see the same sets of decisions in each of these areas, but that people tailored their decisions to local situations. These four articles, as well as our three models, also demonstrate that we are still in sore need of finergrained environmental reconstructions. If Early Archaic foragers were making decisions based on local resources, primarily within 10-30 km of base camps, we need to have amuch better understanding of the distribution of plant and animal resources within these areas, and their variability and predictability over time and space, in order to develop useful models of how past peoples used these resources. We still rely on shockingly few pollen cores across the entire Southeast to extrapolate what resources were available in millennial increments in particular locations. But while we wait for those pollen and phytolith samples to be collected and analyzed, we can still creatively engage with the environmental data that we do have at hand. To the extent that local geologies influence soil properties, we can compare physiographic zones and ecotones within our research locations. It is not just the number of unique ecotones that early foragers may have had access to, but the quality of those ecotones that matters. 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And I am incredibly honored to have my research considered in the same sentence as Anderson and Hanson (1988) and Daniel (1998, 2001), whose models were seminal to my explorations of early Holocene lifeways. As I read through this collection again, I was struck by the advances we’ve made over the past two-plus decades. Halligan and colleagues (this volume), Strawn and colleagues (this volume), and Gingerich (this volume) all employ a larger set of sites in their respective regions to explore site choice among Early Archaic foragers. This is enabled partly by the additional archaeological investigations that have been performed in the intervening years, but also by the increased accessibility to large datasets fostered by the Digital Index of North American Archaeology (Anderson et al. 2017). All four sets of authors, including Jennings and colleagues (this volume), overlay site locations with distributions of resources, ecotone associations, and physiographic locales to ascertain factors that played into mobility decisions of early foragers. Several of the papers also expand on lithic analyses, delving deeper into assemblages from previously excavated sites to discern site use (Gingerich, this volume) or comparing hafted biface morphologies to sort out communities of practice (Jennings et al., this volume). Both present avenues by which we can reassess the large quantities of lithic artifacts from previously excavated sites and avocational collections. Perhaps above all, these articles also highlight the fact that there is not a one-size-fits-all model that applies to all situations. Daniel (1998, 2001) observed this when he compared the data he saw in North Carolina, where tool stone distributions are much different than in the Piedmont and Coastal Plains of South Carolina, to Anderson and Hanson’s (1988) model. I similarly found that the stone-rich landscape of northwest Alabama produced a different pattern than Randy or David saw. Each set of authors here come to similar conclusions – that there are some areas where these three models may apply better than others, but each region also presents a particular distribution of particular sets of resources that may vary (more or less) in time and space. And it is exciting (and perhaps should not be surprising) – that we do not see the same sets of decisions in each of these areas, but that people tailored their decisions to local situations. These four articles, as well as our three models, also demonstrate that we are still in sore need of finergrained environmental reconstructions. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
正如米勒和他的同事(本卷)所指出的那样,早期古代时期为研究人类对快速变化的气候、环境和社会条件的反应提供了一个有趣的舞台。因此,我向阿什利·斯莫尔伍德和谢恩·米勒表示感谢,感谢他们组织了2021年的研讨会和这本特别的《东南考古学》。看到这么多关于早期古代生活方式在更广阔的东南部变化的文章是一种享受。我非常荣幸我的研究与安德森和汉森(1988)以及丹尼尔(1998、2001)的研究被放在同一句话里,他们的模型对我探索全新世早期的生活方式有着重要的影响。当我再次阅读这个合集时,我被我们在过去二十多年里取得的进步所震惊。Halligan和他的同事(本卷)、Strawn和他的同事(本卷)以及Gingerich(本卷)都在他们各自的地区使用了一组更大的地点来探索早期古代觅食者的地点选择。这在一定程度上是由于在此期间进行的额外考古调查,但也得益于北美考古数字索引(Anderson et al. 2017)所促进的大型数据集的可访问性增加。所有四组作者,包括詹宁斯和他的同事(本卷),用资源分布、过渡带关联和地理位置来覆盖站点位置,以确定影响早期觅食者移动决策的因素。有几篇论文还扩展了岩石分析,更深入地研究了以前挖掘的遗址的组合,以辨别遗址的使用(Gingerich,本卷),或者比较了半裂的双面形态,以分类实践社区(Jennings等人,本卷)。这两种方法都为我们提供了重新评估以前挖掘的遗址和业余收藏中大量石器文物的途径。也许最重要的是,这些文章还强调了一个事实,即不存在适用于所有情况的通用模型。Daniel(1998,2001)在将他在北卡罗来纳州看到的数据与Anderson和Hanson(1988)的模型进行比较时观察到了这一点,在北卡罗来纳州,工具石的分布与南卡罗来纳州的皮埃蒙特和沿海平原有很大不同。我同样发现,阿拉巴马州西北部盛产石头的地区呈现出一种与兰迪或戴维看到的不同的格局。这里的每组作者都得出了类似的结论——在某些地区,这三种模型可能比其他模型更适用,但每个地区也呈现出特定资源集的特定分布,这些资源集可能在时间和空间上(或多或少)有所不同。令人兴奋的是(也许不应该感到惊讶),我们并没有在每个领域看到相同的决策,而是人们根据当地情况量身定制了他们的决策。这四篇文章以及我们的三个模型也表明,我们仍然迫切需要精细的环境重建。如果早期远古的采集者是根据当地资源(主要是在营地10-30公里范围内)做出决定,我们需要更好地了解这些地区动植物资源的分布,以及它们随时间和空间的变化和可预测性,以便开发出有用的模型,说明过去的人们是如何使用这些资源的。我们仍然依靠整个东南部少得惊人的花粉核来推断特定地区千年增量的可用资源。但在我们等待花粉和植物岩样本被收集和分析的同时,我们仍然可以创造性地利用手头的环境数据。在一定程度上,当地地质影响土壤性质,我们可以比较我们的研究地点内的地理带和过渡带。这不仅仅是早期采集者可以接触到的独特过渡带的数量,而是这些过渡带的质量。我们可以更详细地研究这种植物
As Miller and colleagues (this volume) point out, the Early Archaic period presents an interesting arena in which to study human responses to rapidly changing climatic, environmental, and social conditions. As such, I extend my thanks to Ashley Smallwood and Shane Miller for organizing the 2021 symposium and this special volume of Southeastern Archaeology. It is a treat to see so many articles considering variations of Early Archaic lifeways across the broader Southeast. And I am incredibly honored to have my research considered in the same sentence as Anderson and Hanson (1988) and Daniel (1998, 2001), whose models were seminal to my explorations of early Holocene lifeways. As I read through this collection again, I was struck by the advances we’ve made over the past two-plus decades. Halligan and colleagues (this volume), Strawn and colleagues (this volume), and Gingerich (this volume) all employ a larger set of sites in their respective regions to explore site choice among Early Archaic foragers. This is enabled partly by the additional archaeological investigations that have been performed in the intervening years, but also by the increased accessibility to large datasets fostered by the Digital Index of North American Archaeology (Anderson et al. 2017). All four sets of authors, including Jennings and colleagues (this volume), overlay site locations with distributions of resources, ecotone associations, and physiographic locales to ascertain factors that played into mobility decisions of early foragers. Several of the papers also expand on lithic analyses, delving deeper into assemblages from previously excavated sites to discern site use (Gingerich, this volume) or comparing hafted biface morphologies to sort out communities of practice (Jennings et al., this volume). Both present avenues by which we can reassess the large quantities of lithic artifacts from previously excavated sites and avocational collections. Perhaps above all, these articles also highlight the fact that there is not a one-size-fits-all model that applies to all situations. Daniel (1998, 2001) observed this when he compared the data he saw in North Carolina, where tool stone distributions are much different than in the Piedmont and Coastal Plains of South Carolina, to Anderson and Hanson’s (1988) model. I similarly found that the stone-rich landscape of northwest Alabama produced a different pattern than Randy or David saw. Each set of authors here come to similar conclusions – that there are some areas where these three models may apply better than others, but each region also presents a particular distribution of particular sets of resources that may vary (more or less) in time and space. And it is exciting (and perhaps should not be surprising) – that we do not see the same sets of decisions in each of these areas, but that people tailored their decisions to local situations. These four articles, as well as our three models, also demonstrate that we are still in sore need of finergrained environmental reconstructions. If Early Archaic foragers were making decisions based on local resources, primarily within 10-30 km of base camps, we need to have amuch better understanding of the distribution of plant and animal resources within these areas, and their variability and predictability over time and space, in order to develop useful models of how past peoples used these resources. We still rely on shockingly few pollen cores across the entire Southeast to extrapolate what resources were available in millennial increments in particular locations. But while we wait for those pollen and phytolith samples to be collected and analyzed, we can still creatively engage with the environmental data that we do have at hand. To the extent that local geologies influence soil properties, we can compare physiographic zones and ecotones within our research locations. It is not just the number of unique ecotones that early foragers may have had access to, but the quality of those ecotones that matters. We can explore in more detail the plant
期刊介绍:
Southeastern Archaeology is a refereed journal that publishes works concerning the archaeology and history of southeastern North America and neighboring regions. It covers all time periods, from Paleoindian to recent history and defines the southeast broadly; this could be anything from Florida (south) to Wisconsin (North) and from Oklahoma (west) to Virginia (east). Reports or articles that cover neighboring regions such as the Northeast, Plains, or Caribbean would be considered if they had sufficient relevance.