现代与传统:伊朗卡扎尔王朝晚期的伊斯兰教、伊斯兰法律与欧洲投降

IF 0.8 Q2 LAW London Review of International Law Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI:10.1093/LRIL/LRZ004
Pierre-Alexandre Cardinal
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引用次数: 0

摘要

这篇文章试图了解安东尼·安吉所描述的差异动态是如何在卡塔尔帝国衰落的几年里影响到伊斯兰世界的。我提出的方法将试图挖掘那些受帝国权力支配的人的历史经验,包括从他们的角度审视国际法理论和规则的影响。我们如何从受害者的角度来理解国际法的历史?我感兴趣的是国际法对主要受伊斯兰教影响(但不能简化为伊斯兰教)的非欧洲政治的表达,以及这些社会如何应对欧洲殖民冒险的冲击。更具体地说,我将假设,对欧洲大国来说,国际法是一种帝国技术,它强化了现代/殖民地的鸿沟,特别是在世俗主义与伊斯兰教、现代与传统的辩证关系中。我将在波斯盖杰尔王朝后期与英国和俄罗斯帝国的关系中研究这种动态。我的假设是,现代人与其伊斯兰另一半相遇的根本理由,以及国际法的一种认识倾向,是世俗主义是现代性和社会进步的驱动力,必须让被感知的伊斯兰世界服从它,才能被接受为平等的主权者。缺乏世俗主义的社会与其在西方的存在形成了对比,形成了一种绝对的敌意,一种不可调和的本体论对抗。我声称,这指的是欧洲中心主义对宗教规范网络在现代世俗主义面前发生根本性变化的存在主义/本体论恐惧。现代性的糟糕思维将宗教法治等同于社会的落后,在现代国际法中,宗教变得不合法。
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The modern and the traditional: Islam, Islamic law and European capitulations in late Qajar Iran
This article seeks to understand how the dynamic of difference described by Antony Anghie was brought to bear on the lands of the Islamic world, during the waning years of the Qajar Empire. The methodology I propose will seek to unearth the historical experience of those subjected to imperial power, including examining the effects of the doctrines and rules of international law from their perspective. How can we understand the history of international law from the perspective of its victims? My interest lies in the expression of international law against non-European polities largely influenced by (but not reducible to) Islam, and how those societies reacted against the onslaught of European colonial ventures. More specifically, I will hypothetically propose that international law was, for the European powers, a technology of Empire reinforcing the Modern/Colonial divide, especially in the dialectic relationship of secularism and Islam, the modern and the traditional. I will study this dynamic in the context of later years of the Qajar dynasty in Persia, in its relationship with the imperial powers of Great Britain and Russia. My hypothesis will be that the underlying rationale of the encounter between the modern and its Islamic other, and thus an epistemic predisposition of international law, is that secularism is a driving force of modernity, of social progress, and that the perceived Islamicate world must be made to submit to it in order for it to be accepted as an equal sovereign. Societies that lack secularism are contrasted with its presence in the West, creating an absolute enmity, an irreconcilable ontological confrontation. This, I claim, refers to Eurocentrism’s existential/ontological fear as to radical alterity of religious normative networks in the face of modern secularism. Modernity’s abyssal thinking equates a religious nomos to the backwardness of a society, and in modern international law, the religious becomes ill-legal.
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17
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