{"title":"专制选举管理:泰国的经验教训","authors":"Petra Alderman","doi":"10.1177/18681034231190940","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"How can we ensure quality elections when the key institutions responsible for the organisation of polls are openly partisan and anti-democratic? In their 2017 paper, Birch and van Ham suggest that partisan electoral management bodies (EMBs) do not matter for the quality of polls so long as effective alternative oversight institutions exist, are active and independent. These institutions can make up for the EMBs’ shortcomings and ensure that a relatively high-quality election is still achieved. I argue that the notion of active and independent alternative oversight institutions leaves us guessing under which conditions it works. Adopting James’s network-based approach to electoral management, I show on the example of the 2019 Thai election that electoral governance networks that are characterised by high levels of political polarisation, the presence of entrenched authoritarian elites and formally independent EMBs that are too powerful make substitution untenable.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4000,"publicationDate":"2023-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Autocratic Electoral Management: Lessons From Thailand\",\"authors\":\"Petra Alderman\",\"doi\":\"10.1177/18681034231190940\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"How can we ensure quality elections when the key institutions responsible for the organisation of polls are openly partisan and anti-democratic? In their 2017 paper, Birch and van Ham suggest that partisan electoral management bodies (EMBs) do not matter for the quality of polls so long as effective alternative oversight institutions exist, are active and independent. These institutions can make up for the EMBs’ shortcomings and ensure that a relatively high-quality election is still achieved. I argue that the notion of active and independent alternative oversight institutions leaves us guessing under which conditions it works. Adopting James’s network-based approach to electoral management, I show on the example of the 2019 Thai election that electoral governance networks that are characterised by high levels of political polarisation, the presence of entrenched authoritarian elites and formally independent EMBs that are too powerful make substitution untenable.\",\"PeriodicalId\":15424,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs\",\"volume\":\"1 1\",\"pages\":\"\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":2.4000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-07-30\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"90\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681034231190940\",\"RegionNum\":2,\"RegionCategory\":\"社会学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q1\",\"JCRName\":\"AREA STUDIES\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681034231190940","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"AREA STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
Autocratic Electoral Management: Lessons From Thailand
How can we ensure quality elections when the key institutions responsible for the organisation of polls are openly partisan and anti-democratic? In their 2017 paper, Birch and van Ham suggest that partisan electoral management bodies (EMBs) do not matter for the quality of polls so long as effective alternative oversight institutions exist, are active and independent. These institutions can make up for the EMBs’ shortcomings and ensure that a relatively high-quality election is still achieved. I argue that the notion of active and independent alternative oversight institutions leaves us guessing under which conditions it works. Adopting James’s network-based approach to electoral management, I show on the example of the 2019 Thai election that electoral governance networks that are characterised by high levels of political polarisation, the presence of entrenched authoritarian elites and formally independent EMBs that are too powerful make substitution untenable.
期刊介绍:
The Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, published by the GIGA Institute of Asian Studies (IAS) in Hamburg, is an internationally refereed journal. The publication focuses on current developments in international relations, politics, economics, society, education, environment and law in Southeast Asia. The topics covered should not only be oriented towards specialists in Southeast Asian affairs, but should also be of relevance to readers with a practical interest in the region. For more than three decades, the Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs (formerly Südostasien aktuell) has regularly provided – six times per year and in German - insightful and in-depth analyses of current issues in political, social and economic life; culture; and development in Southeast Asia. It continues to be devoted to the transfer of scholarly insights to a wider audience and is the leading academic journal devoted exclusively to this region. Interested readers can access the abstracts and tables of contents of earlier issues of the journal via the webpage http://www.giga-hamburg.de/de/publikationen/archiv.