埃及政变后的排斥与暴力

S. Brooke, Elizabeth R. Nugent
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引用次数: 6

摘要

长期以来,研究伊斯兰主义的学者一直在努力研究政治参与与意识形态变化之间的关系,他们从理论上认为,政治排斥和国家镇压增加了伊斯兰组织使用暴力的可能性。2011年后埃及的发展轨迹为利用地方数据系统地评估这些理论提供了机会。将政变前总统选举的地区级选举结果与政变后的反国家和宗派暴力水平进行对比,我们发现,穆斯林兄弟会(Muslim brotherhood)候选人穆罕默德·穆尔西(Mohammed Morsi)在2012年表现良好的地区,在2013年军事政变后出现了更多的反国家和宗派(反基督教)暴力。同样的关系也适用于自由派伊斯兰主义者阿卜杜勒·莫尼姆·阿布·福图赫(Abdel Moneim Abu El-Fotouh)的表现,这与政治排斥本身也可能导致暴力的观点是一致的。
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Exclusion and Violence After the Egyptian Coup
Scholars of Islamism have long grappled with the relationship between political participation and ideological change, theorizing that political exclusion and state repression increase the likelihood of Islamist groups using violence. The trajectory of post-2011 Egypt offers a chance to systematically evaluate these theories using subnational data. Pairing district-level electoral returns from pre-coup presidential elections with post-coup levels of anti-state and sectarian violence, we find that districts where Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated candidate Mohammed Morsi performed well in 2012 witnessed more anti-state and sectarian (anti-Christian) violence following the 2013 military coup. The same relationship holds for the performance of liberal Islamist Abdel Moneim Abu El-Fotouh, which is consistent with arguments that political exclusion alone may also drive violence.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.00
自引率
0.00%
发文量
19
期刊介绍: The aim of MELG is to provide a peer-reviewed venue for academic analysis in which the legal lens allows scholars and practitioners to address issues of compelling concern to the Middle East. The journal is multi-disciplinary – offering contributors from a wide range of backgrounds an opportunity to discuss issues of governance, jurisprudence, and socio-political organization, thereby promoting a common conceptual framework and vocabulary for exchanging ideas across boundaries – geographic and otherwise. It is also broad in scope, discussing issues of critical importance to the Middle East without treating the region as a self-contained unit.
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