书评:Rocio Rosales,Fruteros:洛杉矶街头贩卖、非法行为和种族社区

IF 2.4 3区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY City & Community Pub Date : 2022-04-19 DOI:10.1177/15356841221093697
Emir Estrada
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For years, street vending in California was illegal, mostly attracting undocumented immigrants. After Trump won the presidential election in 2016, California decriminalized street vending to protect undocumented immigrants who risked deportation if apprehended and charged for criminal activity. What does decriminalizing street vending mean to fruteros? According to Rosales, the fruteros in her book did not attend any events organized by the mobilization campaign. The type of immediate legal help the fruteros needed to fight back when citations were issued, when arrests were made, or when confiscations were carried out, was not the type of assistance offered in those meetings. Instead, the paisano network, a social network based on immigrants from the same hometown, provided fruteros the immediate and tangible assistance they needed in their everyday business life. Through their networks, fruteros could afford expensive carts and avoid unwanted attention from health inspectors. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

从书的第一页开始,你就进入了洛杉矶街头水果摊贩(fruteros)的社会世界,写作风格充满活力,引人入胜。通过厚厚的田野记录描述,读者可以想象出水果贩子的举止和个性,水果车,以及洛杉矶充满活力的街头声音,在研究期间禁止街头贩卖。罗西奥·罗萨莱斯(Rocio Rosales)巧妙地编织了6年的人种学田野调查,25次对洛杉矶水果农的采访,以及15次对墨西哥小镇多斯·蒙多斯水果农家庭成员的采访。罗萨莱斯的书既及时又永恒。自从她大约15年前开始这个项目以来,洛杉矶街头小贩的世界发生了很多变化。多年来,加州的街头贩卖都是非法的,吸引的大多是非法移民。特朗普在2016年赢得总统大选后,加州将街头贩卖合法化,以保护那些因犯罪活动被捕并面临被驱逐出境风险的无证移民。街头贩卖合法化对素食主义者来说意味着什么?根据罗萨莱斯的说法,她书中的fruteros没有参加任何动员运动组织的活动。在发出传票、进行逮捕或进行没收时,这些人所需要的立即法律援助并不是在这些会议上提供的那种援助。相反,paisano网络,一个以来自同一个家乡的移民为基础的社交网络,为fruteros提供了他们在日常商业生活中所需要的即时和切实的帮助。通过他们的网络,fruteros可以负担得起昂贵的手推车,并避免卫生检查员不必要的关注。根据罗萨莱斯的说法,“水果摊贩在动员运动中批评街头摊贩,部分原因是他们担心如果合法化发生,他们会失去主导地位”(149)。在“半正式”的行业中经营,使拥有强大的paiisano网络的fruteros比竞争对手更具优势。罗萨莱斯断言,新的立法对供应商提出了限制和责任,而由于缺乏参与信息峰会,fruteros错过了这些限制和责任。然而,现在判断新法律是否以及如何影响供应商的个人、社会和工作关系还为时过早。罗萨莱斯的发现可能有助于组织者在未来的组织工作中吸引街头小贩,因为在水果爱好者的日常紧急需求和街头小贩的更大胜利之间似乎存在脱节。罗萨莱斯的书帮助弥合了街头小贩和活动组织者之间的知识鸿沟。虽然罗萨莱斯对非正规经济文献做出了巨大贡献,但她的书不仅仅是关于街头贩卖的。它扩展了我们对移民社区社会网络的了解。我们了解了paisano网络的优点和缺点。虽然这种类型的网络提供了经济激励、保护和支持,但它也可能排斥、限制和剥削新移民。罗萨勒斯用“种族牢笼”的概念来说明种族共存网络的“底面”和动态本质,并“提供了一种理解和谐与冲突的有用方法”
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Book Review: Rocio Rosales, Fruteros: Street Vending, Illegality, and Ethnic Community in Los Angeles
From the first page of the book, you enter the social world of street fruit vendors (fruteros) in Los Angeles with a dynamic and engaging writing style. Through thick fieldnote descriptions, the reader can envision the fruteros’ mannerisms and personalities, the fruit carts, and the vibrant street sounds of Los Angeles, which at the time of the study prohibited street vending. Rocio Rosales masterfully weaves six years of ethnographic fieldwork, twenty-five interviews with fruteros in Los Angeles, and fifteen interviews with the fruteros’ family members in Dos Mundos, a small town in Mexico. Rosales’s book is both timely and timeless. Since she started the project some fifteen years ago, much has happened in the world of street vendors in Los Angeles. For years, street vending in California was illegal, mostly attracting undocumented immigrants. After Trump won the presidential election in 2016, California decriminalized street vending to protect undocumented immigrants who risked deportation if apprehended and charged for criminal activity. What does decriminalizing street vending mean to fruteros? According to Rosales, the fruteros in her book did not attend any events organized by the mobilization campaign. The type of immediate legal help the fruteros needed to fight back when citations were issued, when arrests were made, or when confiscations were carried out, was not the type of assistance offered in those meetings. Instead, the paisano network, a social network based on immigrants from the same hometown, provided fruteros the immediate and tangible assistance they needed in their everyday business life. Through their networks, fruteros could afford expensive carts and avoid unwanted attention from health inspectors. According to Rosales, “Fruit vendors criticized the street vendors in the mobilization campaign in part because they feared losing their dominance if legalization occurred” (149). Operating in a “semiformal” sector gave fruteros with a strong paisano network an edge over their competitors. The new legislation came with restrictions and responsibilities for vendors that fruteros, asserts Rosales, have missed due to a lack of engagement in the information summits. Yet, it is too early to tell if and how the new laws will impact vendors’ personal, social, and work relations. Rosales’s findings may help organizers engage street vendors in future organizing efforts since there seems to be a disconnect between fruteros’ everyday urgent needs and the campaign’s larger wins for the street vendors. Rosales’s book helps bridge this knowledge gap between street vendors and campaign organizers. While Rosales makes great contributions to the informal economy literature, her book is not just about street vending. It expands what we know about social networks in immigrant communities. We learn how paisano networks pose both advantages and disadvantages. While this type of network offers financial incentives, protection, and support, it can also serve to ostracize, confine, and exploit new immigrant arrivers. Rosales uses the concept of the “ethnic cage” to illustrate the “underside” and dynamic nature of coethnic networks and “provides a useful way of understanding the harmony and conflict 1093697 CTYXXX10.1177/15356841221093697City & CommunityBook Reviews book-review2022
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City & Community
City & Community Multiple-
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27
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