Mississippian Culture Heroes, Ritual Regalia, and Sacred Bundles

adjacent sugar factory. The archaeological evidence indicates the village was abandoned shortly after emancipation, although the village’s location remained marked on maps as late as 1871. Meniketti argues the inclusion of the long-deserted village on maps was part of the plantocracy’s efforts to uphold order in a landscape they no longer controlled. Meanwhile, Helen C. Blouet’s work (Chapter 9) considers how burial and commemorative practices of enslaved and free African members of the Moravian Church on St. John and Barbados changed with emancipation. On St. John, which boasts a long history of free African landownership, the family-centered practice of house yard burials remained a custom; while on Barbados, community-oriented churchyard burials increased in the postemancipation era as land ownership opportunities for free Barbadians remained scarce until the twentieth century. Life after the abolition of slavery is the subject of John C. Chenoweth and Khadene K. Harris’s chapters. Based on his examination of a nineteenth-century smallholder settlement on Great Camanoe Island in the British Virgin Islands, Chenoweth (Chapter 10) suggests that free African inhabitants worked to improve their pre-emanipation homestead by salvaging materials from a nearby abandoned planter’s residence, as well as the mindful recycling and reuse of objects with only limited supplement from local markets. In contrast to Chenoweth’s continuity of place model, Harris’ evidence from Dominica points to the opposite phenomenon, change (Chapter 11). At Bois Cotlette Estate, the emergence of sharecropping and tenancy resulted in archaeologically observable shifts away from communally organized residential patterns that existed under plantation slavery to individualized ones in the postemancipation era. With emancipation, Caribbean people also experienced increased mobility and new opportunities. Stephen T. Lenik and Zachary J. M. Beier (Chapter 12) explore the archaeological remains of British military regiments of African-Jamicans at Fort Rocky in Kingston Harbor, Jamaica between 1880 and 1945. While military architecture and material culture stressed homogeneity, the excavated material culture demonstrates how social boundaries could be tested in everyday practice. Finally, Kristin Fellows (Chapter 13) profiles a community of free African Americans who made the decision to migrate to Hispaniola beginning in 1824, and the challenges they faced in deciding if they should return to the United States after the end of the American Civil War. The volume concludes with remarks by Laurie Wilkie (Chapter 14) who draws on her own deep experience with plantation archaeology in both the Bahamas and the southeastern United States, to synthesize the preceding chapters and reflect on which “spaces in between” remain understudied. As with any edited volume, there are inevitable gaps. The book’s title implies an inclusive regional scale, and yet the chapters are overwhelmingly focused on the former British Caribbean. The chance to highlight important and interesting archaeological research ongoing outside the Anglophone Caribbean is a missed opportunity. Nevertheless, the editors’ aim to profile archaeological research not specifically tied to sugar monoculture is a constructive contribution that will be of interest to archaeologists not just in the Caribbean, but also those working in adjacent regions where cash-crop agriculture came to dominate the economy, but the “spaces in between” lag in their scholarly attention.