{"title":"《濒危玉米:工业化农业与灭绝危机》,Helen AnneCorry著。加州大学出版社。2022年,第321页$85(hb)$29.95(铅)。国际标准书号:9780520307681(hb)/9780520307698(pb)","authors":"Carol Hernández-Rodríguez, Hugo Perales","doi":"10.1111/joac.12534","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>Helen Anne Curry's book <i>Endangered Maize</i> provides an excellent, captivating description of the origins, ideas, and motivations behind the narratives of maize as an endangered genetic resource and how these narratives have shaped the methods and tools of conservation adopted by scientists and states. The book focuses on the role of actors from the two major participants in maize development and conservation: the United States, which has largely developed and promoted industrial agriculture while also voicing much of the early concern and spurring initial actions to conserve indigenous maize varieties, and Mexico, the centre of origin and diversity of maize where this grain is the population's primary food, deeply entwined with its culture and stirring nationalistic agendas. Interwoven into these narratives are other international players, including the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the International Union for the Protection of New Varieties of Plants (UPOV), and the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (CIMMYT), which is part of the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR).</p><p>While the focus on maize might seem overly specific for general interest, reigning narratives of maize conservation have served as a model for other crops. Furthermore, maize continues to be one of the principal crops feeding the world, even as a large bulk is consumed as animal feed. Recounting the history of maize and the geopolitics and control of germplasm knowledge is crucial to understanding the development of modern agricultural biotechnology, characterized by increasing privatization of genetic resources and the decline of seeds as commons.</p><p>As a historian, Curry skilfully recounts the origins and evolution of narratives of extinction of indigenous landraces and conservation strategies, highlighting the complexity of preservation initiatives and the multiple actors involved and suggesting pathways for the future. A key merit of her account is a sound understanding of underlying aspects of the biology and genetics of maize and its conservation. Accordingly, Curry organizes the chapters of her book corresponding to essential tasks in conserving plant genetic resources: collection, classification, preservation, copy, [treaty] negotiation, evaluation, and cultivation. The chapters describe these functions while telling the history of relevant individuals and institutions with respect to each topic, as well as the geopolitics behind the germplasm extinction and conservation narratives.</p><p><i>Endangered Maize</i>'s story begins in 1916 when Howard Biggar, a US Department of Agriculture employee, set out on a research trip to collect maize landraces from indigenous reserves across the Midwest and north-western United States. He was concerned that corn varieties grown by Native Americans were nearing extinction because of the expansion of settler farming and industrial agriculture. During his travels, Biggar met Oscar Will and his son George, seed merchants based in North Dakota who notably displayed the indigenous origin of corn, bean, and squash seeds offered in their catalogue. Following this, Curry presents a series of central actors and events in maize conservation history. She discusses the work of Henry Wallace, a politician and founder of Pioneer Hi-Bred Corn Company, which contributed to the rapid success of hybrids in the United States and is even now a major maize seed company. She then addresses the efforts of Edgar Anderson, Paul Mangelsdorf, and others who collected and classified maize, with the support of the Rockefeller Foundation through the Office of Special Studies (OSS) in Mexico, which was subsequently extended in other Latin American nations. Her descriptions of these efforts include some Mexican actors, most notably Efraim Hernández Xolocotzi, who was trained at Cornell University and collaborated with the OSS collection and classification project and later came to be the most renewed proponent of peasant-oriented research in Mexico.</p><p>Mexico is mainly discussed through its policies regarding agricultural development, its key agricultural institutions, and non-governmental-related actors such as the Zapatistas indigenous movement (EZLN) and the campaign <i>Sin Maíz No Hay País</i> (Without Maize There is no Nation). Curry describes tensions among policy proposals, as well as the existence of alternative development models even before the start of the Green Revolution, and of Mexico's show of concern for food self-sufficiency issues with the brief Mexican Alimentary System project (<i>Sistema Alimentario Mexicano</i>; 1979–1982). She also describes Mexico's predominant role in promoting an internationalist stance at the 1981 FAO conference by proposing an International Plant Germplasm Bank which would be the “heritage of humanity”. As a result of this conference, a debate unfolded, with industrialized nations rallying around private ownership and intellectual property rights (IPR), ultimately pressing nations worldwide to align with UPOV's guidelines. Nonetheless, this conference led to a limited International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture that currently regulates international exchange of germplasm, which Mexico declined to sign despite having led the initiative.</p><p>Underlying the history of these narratives and events is the relationship between industrial agricultural programs and Indigenous farmers and their seeds, which has been marked by a not-always-subtle colonialist perspective. Aside from the widespread concern that commercial crop varieties will displace native varieties and erode agrobiodiversity is the issue of who is best suited to protect and develop seeds, and under what circumstances. As Curry highlights, until the 1980s, maize conservation efforts did not contemplate indigenous or other farm communities as actors suited for this task, or even that their knowledge was adequate for this purpose. Rather, indigenous seeds were seen as detached from their cultural context and viewed as genetic resources that must be preserved by scientists and government agencies. Collection, classification, preservation, and reproduction of maize seeds were all part of ex situ conservation strategies that relied on public and private funding. Even today, the most iconic crop conservation project is the Svalbard Global Seed Vault in Norway, a “frozen” facility that holds over 5000 plant species, including more than 35,000 samples of maize.</p><p>The 1980s and 1990s saw the emergence of alternative perspectives regarding two related issues: the key role of indigenous and other farming communities in agrobiodiversity conservation and farmers' rights over their seeds in a global context in which breeders' IPR over plant germplasm had proliferated—which was soon further exacerbated by the rise of biotechnology and the rigorousness of patenting laws to protect IPRs for genetically modified crops (Pechlaner, <span>2012</span>).</p><p>Although debates and disputes regarding ex situ versus in situ conservation and seeds as inherited commons versus seeds as commodities protected by IPRs are far from resolved, farmers have unquestionably become key political actors contesting the narratives of extinction and conservation that have prevailed for over a century. The transnational peasant movement <i>La Vía Campesina</i> and hundreds of other rural and urban grassroots initiatives throughout the world have reclaimed peoples' rights to food and seed sovereignty, denouncing the increasing concentration of corporate power within the global seed sector, as well as negative environmental and social consequences of industrial agriculture and free trade agreements (Peschard & Shalini, <span>2020</span>). Many of these initiatives coincide with one of Curry's key claims: “conservation is best achieved by continuing to develop farmers' varieties […] Native and indigenous collectives reject the declaration of the sweeping, inevitable loss of crop varieties—and other foods and lifeways—and champion instead accounts of resilience, resistance, and adaptiveness” (p. 233). Curry's analysis of the history of maize contributes to understanding the complexity of how these disputes originated and have evolved over the years.</p><p>Curry concludes with an example of what she terms “creative remixing” by discussing the Glass Gem variety of corn, which became a “poster child” for recovery of heirloom seeds, but which in fact is a recent variety. Based on seeds collected in the 1980s, Carl Barnes “allowed different kinds of corn to cross-pollinate in the field and selected new types from the subsequent mosaic, letting environment and interest dictate the choice. ‘I think most Indians did this too.’ he reflected in an interview” (p. 231). This may well be the case. A similar story has been described for Ancho maize from the Mexican state of Morelos (Khoury et al., <span>2022</span>), which is a large grain variety that receives a premium price due to its popularity for use in <i>pozole</i>, a speciality dish in Mexico. This variety has evolved recently, possibly because of “creative remixing” of previous landraces.</p><p>While commercial maize varieties have indeed become predominant in the United States and other countries, this has not been the case for Mexico. Perhaps the main weakness of Curry's book is its failure to address the fact that well over half of Mexico's eight million hectares that are cultivated annually are planted with farmers' varieties (Bellon et al., <span>2018</span>). This is not a minor feat since, as described in the book, the efforts to produce hybrids and other commercial varieties have been going since the late 1940s. Although commercial varieties have had their success stories in Mexico, to date, the total surface area planted with first-generation hybrids does not exceed one-third of maize cropland. As Mexico is the centre of origin of maize, Curry's failure to integrate the scale of conservation of maize diversity in Mexico into her overall narrative appears to be a shortcoming, in particular regarding the evolutionary role of growers in her conclusion.</p><p>Curry states, “[t]he problem is not that crop diversity is being lost. It is that so many people have abdicated the duty to create it, not the least by the inevitable loss in the stories they tell. Broadcasting extinction as the problem invites the solution of salvage, storage, and defence against change. Advertising the need to reengage creation—to reimagine, revamp, and retool crops—might prompt a different approach” (p. 233). Curry's work joins other scholars (Fenzi & Bonneuil, <span>2016</span>) who are abandoning “timeworn stories” (p. 4) and enabling […] to “assess anew the complexity of the work ahead” (p. 12) regarding conservation of crop genetic resources. <i>Endangered Maize</i> makes a valuable contribution towards this end and is a significant read not only for professionals interested in crop genetic resource conservation but also for those interested in agrarian change. As stated above, although the debate over agricultural seeds as intellectual property versus commons is not resolved, this dispute has had and will continue to have considerable effects for the trajectory of agrarian change. <i>Endangered Maize</i> does not specifically focus on this debate and its history; however, its strong background on the ideas of genetic conservation and use are groundwork for the disputes over the rights to seeds and genetic resources—a fundamental input in all agrarian structures.</p>","PeriodicalId":47678,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Agrarian Change","volume":"23 4","pages":"902-904"},"PeriodicalIF":2.4000,"publicationDate":"2023-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/joac.12534","citationCount":"3","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Endangered Maize: Industrial Agriculture and the Crisis of Extinction By Helen Anne Curry. University of California Press. 2022. Pp 321. $85 (hb); $29.95 (pb). ISBN: 9780520307681(hb)/9780520307698 (pb)\",\"authors\":\"Carol Hernández-Rodríguez, Hugo Perales\",\"doi\":\"10.1111/joac.12534\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>Helen Anne Curry's book <i>Endangered Maize</i> provides an excellent, captivating description of the origins, ideas, and motivations behind the narratives of maize as an endangered genetic resource and how these narratives have shaped the methods and tools of conservation adopted by scientists and states. The book focuses on the role of actors from the two major participants in maize development and conservation: the United States, which has largely developed and promoted industrial agriculture while also voicing much of the early concern and spurring initial actions to conserve indigenous maize varieties, and Mexico, the centre of origin and diversity of maize where this grain is the population's primary food, deeply entwined with its culture and stirring nationalistic agendas. Interwoven into these narratives are other international players, including the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the International Union for the Protection of New Varieties of Plants (UPOV), and the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (CIMMYT), which is part of the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR).</p><p>While the focus on maize might seem overly specific for general interest, reigning narratives of maize conservation have served as a model for other crops. Furthermore, maize continues to be one of the principal crops feeding the world, even as a large bulk is consumed as animal feed. Recounting the history of maize and the geopolitics and control of germplasm knowledge is crucial to understanding the development of modern agricultural biotechnology, characterized by increasing privatization of genetic resources and the decline of seeds as commons.</p><p>As a historian, Curry skilfully recounts the origins and evolution of narratives of extinction of indigenous landraces and conservation strategies, highlighting the complexity of preservation initiatives and the multiple actors involved and suggesting pathways for the future. A key merit of her account is a sound understanding of underlying aspects of the biology and genetics of maize and its conservation. Accordingly, Curry organizes the chapters of her book corresponding to essential tasks in conserving plant genetic resources: collection, classification, preservation, copy, [treaty] negotiation, evaluation, and cultivation. The chapters describe these functions while telling the history of relevant individuals and institutions with respect to each topic, as well as the geopolitics behind the germplasm extinction and conservation narratives.</p><p><i>Endangered Maize</i>'s story begins in 1916 when Howard Biggar, a US Department of Agriculture employee, set out on a research trip to collect maize landraces from indigenous reserves across the Midwest and north-western United States. He was concerned that corn varieties grown by Native Americans were nearing extinction because of the expansion of settler farming and industrial agriculture. During his travels, Biggar met Oscar Will and his son George, seed merchants based in North Dakota who notably displayed the indigenous origin of corn, bean, and squash seeds offered in their catalogue. Following this, Curry presents a series of central actors and events in maize conservation history. She discusses the work of Henry Wallace, a politician and founder of Pioneer Hi-Bred Corn Company, which contributed to the rapid success of hybrids in the United States and is even now a major maize seed company. She then addresses the efforts of Edgar Anderson, Paul Mangelsdorf, and others who collected and classified maize, with the support of the Rockefeller Foundation through the Office of Special Studies (OSS) in Mexico, which was subsequently extended in other Latin American nations. Her descriptions of these efforts include some Mexican actors, most notably Efraim Hernández Xolocotzi, who was trained at Cornell University and collaborated with the OSS collection and classification project and later came to be the most renewed proponent of peasant-oriented research in Mexico.</p><p>Mexico is mainly discussed through its policies regarding agricultural development, its key agricultural institutions, and non-governmental-related actors such as the Zapatistas indigenous movement (EZLN) and the campaign <i>Sin Maíz No Hay País</i> (Without Maize There is no Nation). Curry describes tensions among policy proposals, as well as the existence of alternative development models even before the start of the Green Revolution, and of Mexico's show of concern for food self-sufficiency issues with the brief Mexican Alimentary System project (<i>Sistema Alimentario Mexicano</i>; 1979–1982). She also describes Mexico's predominant role in promoting an internationalist stance at the 1981 FAO conference by proposing an International Plant Germplasm Bank which would be the “heritage of humanity”. As a result of this conference, a debate unfolded, with industrialized nations rallying around private ownership and intellectual property rights (IPR), ultimately pressing nations worldwide to align with UPOV's guidelines. Nonetheless, this conference led to a limited International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture that currently regulates international exchange of germplasm, which Mexico declined to sign despite having led the initiative.</p><p>Underlying the history of these narratives and events is the relationship between industrial agricultural programs and Indigenous farmers and their seeds, which has been marked by a not-always-subtle colonialist perspective. Aside from the widespread concern that commercial crop varieties will displace native varieties and erode agrobiodiversity is the issue of who is best suited to protect and develop seeds, and under what circumstances. As Curry highlights, until the 1980s, maize conservation efforts did not contemplate indigenous or other farm communities as actors suited for this task, or even that their knowledge was adequate for this purpose. Rather, indigenous seeds were seen as detached from their cultural context and viewed as genetic resources that must be preserved by scientists and government agencies. Collection, classification, preservation, and reproduction of maize seeds were all part of ex situ conservation strategies that relied on public and private funding. Even today, the most iconic crop conservation project is the Svalbard Global Seed Vault in Norway, a “frozen” facility that holds over 5000 plant species, including more than 35,000 samples of maize.</p><p>The 1980s and 1990s saw the emergence of alternative perspectives regarding two related issues: the key role of indigenous and other farming communities in agrobiodiversity conservation and farmers' rights over their seeds in a global context in which breeders' IPR over plant germplasm had proliferated—which was soon further exacerbated by the rise of biotechnology and the rigorousness of patenting laws to protect IPRs for genetically modified crops (Pechlaner, <span>2012</span>).</p><p>Although debates and disputes regarding ex situ versus in situ conservation and seeds as inherited commons versus seeds as commodities protected by IPRs are far from resolved, farmers have unquestionably become key political actors contesting the narratives of extinction and conservation that have prevailed for over a century. The transnational peasant movement <i>La Vía Campesina</i> and hundreds of other rural and urban grassroots initiatives throughout the world have reclaimed peoples' rights to food and seed sovereignty, denouncing the increasing concentration of corporate power within the global seed sector, as well as negative environmental and social consequences of industrial agriculture and free trade agreements (Peschard & Shalini, <span>2020</span>). Many of these initiatives coincide with one of Curry's key claims: “conservation is best achieved by continuing to develop farmers' varieties […] Native and indigenous collectives reject the declaration of the sweeping, inevitable loss of crop varieties—and other foods and lifeways—and champion instead accounts of resilience, resistance, and adaptiveness” (p. 233). Curry's analysis of the history of maize contributes to understanding the complexity of how these disputes originated and have evolved over the years.</p><p>Curry concludes with an example of what she terms “creative remixing” by discussing the Glass Gem variety of corn, which became a “poster child” for recovery of heirloom seeds, but which in fact is a recent variety. Based on seeds collected in the 1980s, Carl Barnes “allowed different kinds of corn to cross-pollinate in the field and selected new types from the subsequent mosaic, letting environment and interest dictate the choice. ‘I think most Indians did this too.’ he reflected in an interview” (p. 231). This may well be the case. A similar story has been described for Ancho maize from the Mexican state of Morelos (Khoury et al., <span>2022</span>), which is a large grain variety that receives a premium price due to its popularity for use in <i>pozole</i>, a speciality dish in Mexico. This variety has evolved recently, possibly because of “creative remixing” of previous landraces.</p><p>While commercial maize varieties have indeed become predominant in the United States and other countries, this has not been the case for Mexico. Perhaps the main weakness of Curry's book is its failure to address the fact that well over half of Mexico's eight million hectares that are cultivated annually are planted with farmers' varieties (Bellon et al., <span>2018</span>). This is not a minor feat since, as described in the book, the efforts to produce hybrids and other commercial varieties have been going since the late 1940s. Although commercial varieties have had their success stories in Mexico, to date, the total surface area planted with first-generation hybrids does not exceed one-third of maize cropland. As Mexico is the centre of origin of maize, Curry's failure to integrate the scale of conservation of maize diversity in Mexico into her overall narrative appears to be a shortcoming, in particular regarding the evolutionary role of growers in her conclusion.</p><p>Curry states, “[t]he problem is not that crop diversity is being lost. It is that so many people have abdicated the duty to create it, not the least by the inevitable loss in the stories they tell. Broadcasting extinction as the problem invites the solution of salvage, storage, and defence against change. Advertising the need to reengage creation—to reimagine, revamp, and retool crops—might prompt a different approach” (p. 233). Curry's work joins other scholars (Fenzi & Bonneuil, <span>2016</span>) who are abandoning “timeworn stories” (p. 4) and enabling […] to “assess anew the complexity of the work ahead” (p. 12) regarding conservation of crop genetic resources. <i>Endangered Maize</i> makes a valuable contribution towards this end and is a significant read not only for professionals interested in crop genetic resource conservation but also for those interested in agrarian change. As stated above, although the debate over agricultural seeds as intellectual property versus commons is not resolved, this dispute has had and will continue to have considerable effects for the trajectory of agrarian change. <i>Endangered Maize</i> does not specifically focus on this debate and its history; however, its strong background on the ideas of genetic conservation and use are groundwork for the disputes over the rights to seeds and genetic resources—a fundamental input in all agrarian structures.</p>\",\"PeriodicalId\":47678,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Journal of Agrarian Change\",\"volume\":\"23 4\",\"pages\":\"902-904\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":2.4000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-01-23\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/joac.12534\",\"citationCount\":\"3\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Journal of Agrarian Change\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"96\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/joac.12534\",\"RegionNum\":2,\"RegionCategory\":\"经济学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q2\",\"JCRName\":\"DEVELOPMENT STUDIES\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Agrarian Change","FirstCategoryId":"96","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/joac.12534","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
摘要
海伦·安妮·库里的《濒临灭绝的玉米》一书出色而引人入胜地描述了玉米作为一种濒危遗传资源的起源、思想和背后的动机,以及这些叙述如何塑造了科学家和国家采用的保护方法和工具。这本书主要关注玉米发展和保护的两个主要参与者的角色:美国,它在很大程度上发展和促进了工业化农业,同时也表达了许多早期的担忧,并推动了保护本土玉米品种的初步行动;墨西哥,玉米的起源和多样性中心,玉米是人们的主要食物,与其文化密切相关,并激起了民族主义议程。与这些叙述交织在一起的还有其他国际参与者,包括粮食及农业组织(粮农组织)、国际植物新品种保护联盟(UPOV)和国际玉米小麦改良中心(CIMMYT),该中心是国际农业研究磋商小组(CGIAR)的一部分。虽然对玉米的关注似乎过于特定于一般利益,但玉米保护的主流叙事已经成为其他作物的典范。此外,尽管大量玉米被用作动物饲料,但玉米仍然是养活世界人口的主要作物之一。重述玉米的历史、地缘政治和种质知识的控制对于理解现代农业生物技术的发展至关重要,其特点是遗传资源日益私有化和种子作为公共资源的减少。作为一名历史学家,库里巧妙地叙述了土著民族灭绝和保护策略的起源和演变,强调了保护倡议的复杂性和涉及的多个行动者,并提出了未来的途径。她的描述的一个关键优点是对玉米的生物学和遗传学及其保护的潜在方面有很好的理解。因此,库里将她的书中的章节组织成与保护植物遗传资源的基本任务相对应的:收集、分类、保存、复制、[条约]谈判、评估和培育。这些章节描述了这些功能,同时讲述了与每个主题相关的个人和机构的历史,以及种质灭绝和保护叙事背后的地缘政治。濒危玉米的故事始于1916年,当时美国农业部雇员Howard Biggar开始了一次从美国中西部和西北部的土著保留区收集地方玉米品种的研究之旅。他担心,由于移民农业和工业化农业的扩张,印第安人种植的玉米品种正濒临灭绝。在他的旅行中,比格遇到了奥斯卡·威尔和他的儿子乔治,他们是北达科他州的种子商人,他们在目录中展示了玉米、豆类和南瓜种子的本土来源。在此之后,库里提出了玉米保护历史上的一系列核心角色和事件。她讨论了政治家兼先锋杂交玉米公司创始人亨利·华莱士的工作,该公司为杂交玉米在美国的迅速成功做出了贡献,甚至现在也是一家主要的玉米种子公司。接着,她讲述了埃德加·安德森、保罗·曼格尔斯多夫和其他收集和分类玉米的人的努力,他们在洛克菲勒基金会的支持下,通过墨西哥的特殊研究办公室(OSS)收集和分类玉米,该办公室随后扩展到其他拉丁美洲国家。她对这些努力的描述包括一些墨西哥演员,最著名的是Efraim Hernández Xolocotzi,他在康奈尔大学接受培训,并与OSS收集和分类项目合作,后来成为墨西哥面向农民的研究的最新的支持者。墨西哥主要通过其有关农业发展的政策、主要农业机构和非政府相关行动者(如Zapatistas土著运动(EZLN)和Sin Maíz No Hay País(没有玉米就没有国家)运动)来讨论。Curry描述了政策提案之间的紧张关系,以及在绿色革命开始之前就存在的替代发展模式,以及墨西哥通过简短的墨西哥营养系统项目(Sistema Alimentario Mexicano;1979 - 1982)。她还描述了墨西哥在1981年粮农组织会议上通过提议建立一个将成为“人类遗产”的国际植物种质资源库,在促进国际主义立场方面发挥的主导作用。 这次会议的结果是展开了一场辩论,工业化国家围绕私有制和知识产权(IPR)团结起来,最终迫使世界各国遵守UPOV的指导方针。尽管如此,这次会议达成了一项有限的《粮食和农业植物遗传资源国际条约》,该条约目前管理着种质资源的国际交流,尽管墨西哥是该条约的牵头国,但它拒绝签署。在这些叙事和事件的历史背后,隐藏着工业化农业项目与土著农民及其种子之间的关系,这种关系一直以一种并不总是微妙的殖民主义视角为标志。除了普遍担心商业作物品种将取代本地品种和侵蚀农业生物多样性之外,还有一个问题是谁最适合保护和开发种子,以及在什么情况下。正如Curry所强调的那样,直到20世纪80年代,玉米保护工作并没有考虑到土著或其他农场社区是适合这项任务的参与者,甚至没有考虑到他们的知识足以实现这一目的。相反,土著种子被视为脱离了它们的文化背景,被视为必须由科学家和政府机构保护的遗传资源。玉米种子的收集、分类、保存和繁殖都是依靠公共和私人资金的迁地保护策略的一部分。即使在今天,最具代表性的作物保护项目是挪威的斯瓦尔巴全球种子库,这是一个“冷冻”设施,保存着5000多种植物,包括35000多个玉米样本。20世纪80年代和90年代出现了关于两个相关问题的替代观点:土著和其他农业社区在农业生物多样性保护方面的关键作用,以及在育种者对植物种质的知识产权激增的全球背景下农民对其种子的权利——生物技术的兴起和保护转基因作物知识产权的专利法的严格性很快进一步加剧了这种情况(Pechlaner, 2012)。尽管关于移地保护与原地保护、种子作为继承公地与种子作为受知识产权保护的商品的辩论和争端远未解决,但农民无疑已成为关键的政治行动者,对一个多世纪以来盛行的灭绝和保护叙事提出了质疑。跨国农民运动La Vía Campesina和世界各地数以百计的其他农村和城市基层倡议已经恢复了人们对食物和种子主权的权利,谴责全球种子部门中企业权力的日益集中,以及工业化农业和自由贸易协定对环境和社会的负面影响(Peschard &莎莉尼·,2020)。许多这些倡议都与库里的一个关键主张不谋而合:“通过继续发展农民的品种,保护是最好的[…]土著和土著集体拒绝宣布作物品种——以及其他食物和生活方式——的全面、不可避免的损失,而支持对恢复力、抵抗力和适应性的描述”(第233页)。库里对玉米历史的分析有助于理解这些争议如何产生和演变的复杂性。Curry以她所说的“创造性混合”为例,讨论了玻璃宝石(Glass Gem)玉米品种,该品种成为恢复传家宝种子的“典范”,但实际上是最近的品种。根据20世纪80年代收集的种子,卡尔·巴恩斯“允许不同种类的玉米在田间异花授粉,并从随后的马赛克中选择新的类型,让环境和兴趣决定选择。”我想大多数印度人也这么做过。’他在一次采访中反思道”(第231页)。这很可能是事实。来自墨西哥莫雷洛斯州的Ancho玉米也有类似的故事(Khoury等人,2022年),这是一种大型谷物品种,由于在墨西哥特色菜pozole中广泛使用而获得高价。这种多样性最近有所发展,可能是因为以前的地方种族的“创造性混合”。虽然商业玉米品种确实在美国和其他国家占主导地位,但墨西哥的情况并非如此。也许Curry的书的主要弱点是它没有解决这样一个事实,即墨西哥每年种植的800万公顷土地中有一半以上种植的是农民的品种(Bellon et al., 2018)。这不是一个小成就,因为正如书中所描述的那样,自20世纪40年代末以来,生产杂交品种和其他商业品种的努力一直在进行。尽管商业品种在墨西哥取得了成功,但到目前为止,种植第一代杂交玉米的总面积还没有超过玉米农田的三分之一。 由于墨西哥是玉米的起源中心,Curry未能将墨西哥玉米多样性保护的规模整合到她的总体叙述中,这似乎是一个缺点,特别是在她的结论中种植者的进化作用方面。库里说:“问题不在于作物多样性正在丧失。而是有太多的人放弃了创造它的责任,尤其是因为他们讲述的故事不可避免地失败了。广播灭绝的问题引发了打捞、储存和防御变化的解决方案。宣传重新参与创造的需要——重新设想、改造和改造作物——可能会促使人们采取不同的方法”(第233页)。库里的研究加入了其他学者的行列(Fenzi &;Bonneuil, 2016),他们正在放弃“过时的故事”(第4页),并使[…]能够“重新评估未来工作的复杂性”(第12页),以保护作物遗传资源。《濒危玉米》为实现这一目标做出了宝贵的贡献,不仅对对作物遗传资源保护感兴趣的专业人员,而且对对农业变化感兴趣的专业人员都是一本重要的读物。如上所述,尽管关于农业种子是知识产权还是公共财产的争论尚未解决,但这一争论已经并将继续对农业变化的轨迹产生重大影响。《濒危玉米》并没有特别关注这场辩论及其历史;然而,它在遗传保护和利用思想方面的强大背景是种子和遗传资源权利争端的基础,而种子和遗传资源是所有农业结构的基本投入。
Endangered Maize: Industrial Agriculture and the Crisis of Extinction By Helen Anne Curry. University of California Press. 2022. Pp 321. $85 (hb); $29.95 (pb). ISBN: 9780520307681(hb)/9780520307698 (pb)
Helen Anne Curry's book Endangered Maize provides an excellent, captivating description of the origins, ideas, and motivations behind the narratives of maize as an endangered genetic resource and how these narratives have shaped the methods and tools of conservation adopted by scientists and states. The book focuses on the role of actors from the two major participants in maize development and conservation: the United States, which has largely developed and promoted industrial agriculture while also voicing much of the early concern and spurring initial actions to conserve indigenous maize varieties, and Mexico, the centre of origin and diversity of maize where this grain is the population's primary food, deeply entwined with its culture and stirring nationalistic agendas. Interwoven into these narratives are other international players, including the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the International Union for the Protection of New Varieties of Plants (UPOV), and the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (CIMMYT), which is part of the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR).
While the focus on maize might seem overly specific for general interest, reigning narratives of maize conservation have served as a model for other crops. Furthermore, maize continues to be one of the principal crops feeding the world, even as a large bulk is consumed as animal feed. Recounting the history of maize and the geopolitics and control of germplasm knowledge is crucial to understanding the development of modern agricultural biotechnology, characterized by increasing privatization of genetic resources and the decline of seeds as commons.
As a historian, Curry skilfully recounts the origins and evolution of narratives of extinction of indigenous landraces and conservation strategies, highlighting the complexity of preservation initiatives and the multiple actors involved and suggesting pathways for the future. A key merit of her account is a sound understanding of underlying aspects of the biology and genetics of maize and its conservation. Accordingly, Curry organizes the chapters of her book corresponding to essential tasks in conserving plant genetic resources: collection, classification, preservation, copy, [treaty] negotiation, evaluation, and cultivation. The chapters describe these functions while telling the history of relevant individuals and institutions with respect to each topic, as well as the geopolitics behind the germplasm extinction and conservation narratives.
Endangered Maize's story begins in 1916 when Howard Biggar, a US Department of Agriculture employee, set out on a research trip to collect maize landraces from indigenous reserves across the Midwest and north-western United States. He was concerned that corn varieties grown by Native Americans were nearing extinction because of the expansion of settler farming and industrial agriculture. During his travels, Biggar met Oscar Will and his son George, seed merchants based in North Dakota who notably displayed the indigenous origin of corn, bean, and squash seeds offered in their catalogue. Following this, Curry presents a series of central actors and events in maize conservation history. She discusses the work of Henry Wallace, a politician and founder of Pioneer Hi-Bred Corn Company, which contributed to the rapid success of hybrids in the United States and is even now a major maize seed company. She then addresses the efforts of Edgar Anderson, Paul Mangelsdorf, and others who collected and classified maize, with the support of the Rockefeller Foundation through the Office of Special Studies (OSS) in Mexico, which was subsequently extended in other Latin American nations. Her descriptions of these efforts include some Mexican actors, most notably Efraim Hernández Xolocotzi, who was trained at Cornell University and collaborated with the OSS collection and classification project and later came to be the most renewed proponent of peasant-oriented research in Mexico.
Mexico is mainly discussed through its policies regarding agricultural development, its key agricultural institutions, and non-governmental-related actors such as the Zapatistas indigenous movement (EZLN) and the campaign Sin Maíz No Hay País (Without Maize There is no Nation). Curry describes tensions among policy proposals, as well as the existence of alternative development models even before the start of the Green Revolution, and of Mexico's show of concern for food self-sufficiency issues with the brief Mexican Alimentary System project (Sistema Alimentario Mexicano; 1979–1982). She also describes Mexico's predominant role in promoting an internationalist stance at the 1981 FAO conference by proposing an International Plant Germplasm Bank which would be the “heritage of humanity”. As a result of this conference, a debate unfolded, with industrialized nations rallying around private ownership and intellectual property rights (IPR), ultimately pressing nations worldwide to align with UPOV's guidelines. Nonetheless, this conference led to a limited International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture that currently regulates international exchange of germplasm, which Mexico declined to sign despite having led the initiative.
Underlying the history of these narratives and events is the relationship between industrial agricultural programs and Indigenous farmers and their seeds, which has been marked by a not-always-subtle colonialist perspective. Aside from the widespread concern that commercial crop varieties will displace native varieties and erode agrobiodiversity is the issue of who is best suited to protect and develop seeds, and under what circumstances. As Curry highlights, until the 1980s, maize conservation efforts did not contemplate indigenous or other farm communities as actors suited for this task, or even that their knowledge was adequate for this purpose. Rather, indigenous seeds were seen as detached from their cultural context and viewed as genetic resources that must be preserved by scientists and government agencies. Collection, classification, preservation, and reproduction of maize seeds were all part of ex situ conservation strategies that relied on public and private funding. Even today, the most iconic crop conservation project is the Svalbard Global Seed Vault in Norway, a “frozen” facility that holds over 5000 plant species, including more than 35,000 samples of maize.
The 1980s and 1990s saw the emergence of alternative perspectives regarding two related issues: the key role of indigenous and other farming communities in agrobiodiversity conservation and farmers' rights over their seeds in a global context in which breeders' IPR over plant germplasm had proliferated—which was soon further exacerbated by the rise of biotechnology and the rigorousness of patenting laws to protect IPRs for genetically modified crops (Pechlaner, 2012).
Although debates and disputes regarding ex situ versus in situ conservation and seeds as inherited commons versus seeds as commodities protected by IPRs are far from resolved, farmers have unquestionably become key political actors contesting the narratives of extinction and conservation that have prevailed for over a century. The transnational peasant movement La Vía Campesina and hundreds of other rural and urban grassroots initiatives throughout the world have reclaimed peoples' rights to food and seed sovereignty, denouncing the increasing concentration of corporate power within the global seed sector, as well as negative environmental and social consequences of industrial agriculture and free trade agreements (Peschard & Shalini, 2020). Many of these initiatives coincide with one of Curry's key claims: “conservation is best achieved by continuing to develop farmers' varieties […] Native and indigenous collectives reject the declaration of the sweeping, inevitable loss of crop varieties—and other foods and lifeways—and champion instead accounts of resilience, resistance, and adaptiveness” (p. 233). Curry's analysis of the history of maize contributes to understanding the complexity of how these disputes originated and have evolved over the years.
Curry concludes with an example of what she terms “creative remixing” by discussing the Glass Gem variety of corn, which became a “poster child” for recovery of heirloom seeds, but which in fact is a recent variety. Based on seeds collected in the 1980s, Carl Barnes “allowed different kinds of corn to cross-pollinate in the field and selected new types from the subsequent mosaic, letting environment and interest dictate the choice. ‘I think most Indians did this too.’ he reflected in an interview” (p. 231). This may well be the case. A similar story has been described for Ancho maize from the Mexican state of Morelos (Khoury et al., 2022), which is a large grain variety that receives a premium price due to its popularity for use in pozole, a speciality dish in Mexico. This variety has evolved recently, possibly because of “creative remixing” of previous landraces.
While commercial maize varieties have indeed become predominant in the United States and other countries, this has not been the case for Mexico. Perhaps the main weakness of Curry's book is its failure to address the fact that well over half of Mexico's eight million hectares that are cultivated annually are planted with farmers' varieties (Bellon et al., 2018). This is not a minor feat since, as described in the book, the efforts to produce hybrids and other commercial varieties have been going since the late 1940s. Although commercial varieties have had their success stories in Mexico, to date, the total surface area planted with first-generation hybrids does not exceed one-third of maize cropland. As Mexico is the centre of origin of maize, Curry's failure to integrate the scale of conservation of maize diversity in Mexico into her overall narrative appears to be a shortcoming, in particular regarding the evolutionary role of growers in her conclusion.
Curry states, “[t]he problem is not that crop diversity is being lost. It is that so many people have abdicated the duty to create it, not the least by the inevitable loss in the stories they tell. Broadcasting extinction as the problem invites the solution of salvage, storage, and defence against change. Advertising the need to reengage creation—to reimagine, revamp, and retool crops—might prompt a different approach” (p. 233). Curry's work joins other scholars (Fenzi & Bonneuil, 2016) who are abandoning “timeworn stories” (p. 4) and enabling […] to “assess anew the complexity of the work ahead” (p. 12) regarding conservation of crop genetic resources. Endangered Maize makes a valuable contribution towards this end and is a significant read not only for professionals interested in crop genetic resource conservation but also for those interested in agrarian change. As stated above, although the debate over agricultural seeds as intellectual property versus commons is not resolved, this dispute has had and will continue to have considerable effects for the trajectory of agrarian change. Endangered Maize does not specifically focus on this debate and its history; however, its strong background on the ideas of genetic conservation and use are groundwork for the disputes over the rights to seeds and genetic resources—a fundamental input in all agrarian structures.
期刊介绍:
The Journal of Agrarian Change is a journal of agrarian political economy. It promotes investigation of the social relations and dynamics of production, property and power in agrarian formations and their processes of change, both historical and contemporary. It encourages work within a broad interdisciplinary framework, informed by theory, and serves as a forum for serious comparative analysis and scholarly debate. Contributions are welcomed from political economists, historians, anthropologists, sociologists, political scientists, economists, geographers, lawyers, and others committed to the rigorous study and analysis of agrarian structure and change, past and present, in different parts of the world.