编辑

IF 0.5 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Journal of Conflict Archaeology Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI:10.1080/15740773.2020.1985913
I. Banks
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在我们结束第十五卷的时候,有一种冲突正在影响整个考古学。考古和历史都陷入了文化战争,而这场战争已被美国右翼武器化;在美国领先的地方,如今英国似乎紧随其后。当雅各布·里斯·莫格在2019年英国广播公司电视台的《提问时间》节目中谈到布尔战争中的英国集中营时,可以听到隆隆声,并表示死亡率与当时格拉斯哥的死亡率相同。他还谈到了为在全面战争期间保护平民而设立的营地。他和他的对手格蕾丝·布莱克利都缺乏具体的知识:布莱克利女士表示,集中营是英国人发明的,而事实上,在古巴独立战争中,当西班牙试图镇压古巴叛军时,集中营最初被开发为“侦察营”。英国和美国随后都根据自己的情况调整了这一想法,在所有情况下,这些营地都是骇人听闻的侵犯人权行为。里斯-莫格说,英国难民营的死亡率是一致的,而事实上,当他们脱离军事控制并被纳入公务员制度时,死亡率差异很大,并低于英国城市环境中的死亡率。然而,在营地存在的大部分时间里,死亡率远高于维多利亚时代晚期的格拉斯哥;它还忽视了难民营中黑人的可怕生命损失。此外,两位发言者都忽略了这样一个事实,即难民营本身并不是危害人类的主要罪行。相反,正是焦土政策使营地成为必要。里斯-莫格说他们“被关进营地是为了保护他们”是正确的(BBC 2019,00:21),但如果他们的农场没有被摧毁,他们的牛没有被屠杀,水坑也没有被毒死,就没有必要为平民提供设施。这里的重点是,历史和考古学被用于当前的政治辩论,但没有对整个历史图景给予应有的关注。对里斯-莫格来说,历史局势中的一些因素可能会将大英帝国描述为一个犯了错误的实体,但从根本上讲,它是体面和良性的——这不是许多印度或布尔学者可能接受的描述。全貌表明,虽然英国在南非的营地没有种族灭绝的意图,但这些营地仍然是反人类罪,焦土政策也是如此。与其他帝国一样,大英帝国是强制性的,以暴力应对抗议和异议——这当然不是善意的。里斯-莫格用历史来支持他保守的世界观,但他不准备考虑那些不符合他选择的叙事的历史部分。最近,雕像脱颖而出,出现了大量雕像被拆除或不被拆除的情况。法规已经变得政治化,人们对这种情况的态度也各不相同。一些人认为移除雕像是为了抹去历史(尽管尚不清楚移除雕像是如何删除有关此人的历史记录的),另一些人则认为《冲突考古杂志2020》,第15卷,第3期,171-175https://doi.org/10.1080/15740773.2020.1985913
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Editorial
As we bring the fifteenth volume to a close, there is conflict that is affecting Archaeology as a whole. Both Archaeology and History have become enmeshed in the Culture Wars that have been weaponized by the Right in America; where America leads, these days the UK appears to follow. The rumblings could be heard when, on a 2019 edition of BBC TV’s Question Time, Jacob Rees-Mogg spoke about the British concentration camps of the Boer War and said that the death rate was the same as it was in Glasgow at the time. He also spoke about the camps having been established to protect civilians during all-out war. Both he and his opponent, Grace Blakeley, showed a lack of specific knowledge: Ms Blakeley stated that concentration camps were invented by the British, when in fact they were first developed as ‘reconcentrados’ in the War of Cuban Independence as Spain tried to suppress the Cuban rebels. Both Britain and the USA subsequently adapted the idea to their own situations, and in all cases, the camps were appalling breaches of human rights. Rees-Mogg spoke as though there was a consistent mortality rate in the British camps, when in fact the rate varied considerably and dropped below mortality rates in British urban environments when they were taken out of military control and put under the Civil Service. However, for much of the existence of the camps, the death rate was considerably higher than in late Victorian Glasgow; it also ignores the terrible loss of life in the camps for the black population. Furthermore, both speakers missed the fact that the camps themselves were not the main crime against humanity. Rather, it was the scorched earth policy that made the camps a necessity. Rees-Mogg was correct to say that they were ‘put in the camps for their protection’ (BBC 2019, 00:21), but there would have been no need to provide facilities for the civilians if their farms had not been destroyed, their cattle slaughtered, and the waterholes poisoned. The point here is that history and archaeology are being used in current political debates but without due attention to the full historical picture. For Rees-Mogg, there were elements of the historical situation that could present the British Empire as an entity that made mistakes but which was fundamentally decent and benign – not a description that many Indian or Boer academics might accept. The full picture shows that while there was not a genocidal intent to the British camps in South Africa, the camps were nevertheless a crime against humanity, as was the scorched earth policy. As any other empire, the British Empire was coercive and met protest and dissent with violence – it was certainly not benign. Rees-Mogg was using history to support his conservative world view, but he was not prepared to consider the parts of history that did not fit his chosen narrative. More recently, statues have come to the fore, and there has been a spate of statue removals or non-removals. Statues have become politicized, and attitudes towards the situation vary. Some see the removal of statues as an attempt to erase history (though it is not clear how removing a statue removes the historical records about that person), others JOURNAL OF CONFLICT ARCHAEOLOGY 2020, VOL. 15, NO. 3, 171–175 https://doi.org/10.1080/15740773.2020.1985913
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.80
自引率
50.00%
发文量
8
期刊介绍: The Journal of Conflict Archaeology is an English-language journal devoted to the battlefield and military archaeology and other spheres of conflict archaeology, covering all periods with a worldwide scope. Additional spheres of interest will include the archaeology of industrial and popular protest; contested landscapes and monuments; nationalism and colonialism; class conflict; the origins of conflict; forensic applications in war-zones; and human rights cases. Themed issues will carry papers on current research; subject and period overviews; fieldwork and excavation reports-interim and final reports; artifact studies; scientific applications; technique evaluations; conference summaries; and book reviews.
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