Felix Jeschke。《铁景观:两次世界大战期间捷克斯洛伐克的国家空间和铁路》,纽约:Berghahn, 2021。256页。

IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Austrian History Yearbook Pub Date : 2023-04-13 DOI:10.1017/S0067237823000346
Rosamund Johnston
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引用次数: 0

摘要

1938年夏,盖世太保计划强制移民和驱逐出境,同时控制犹太社区,惩罚犹太人个人,颁布反犹法规,并组织掠夺维也纳的资产(365)。关于将奥地利犹太人大规模驱逐到被占领的东部地区,作者强调,艾希曼的中央办公室与维也纳盖世太保密切合作。盖世太保逮捕了许多逃跑的犹太人和帮助他们的非犹太奥地利人。他们还为此设立了专门的办事处,组织没收犹太人的财产。1945年3月,卡尔·艾伯纳向希姆莱报告了纳粹国家10亿马克的资产(2011年)。作者们挑战了之前关于纳粹社会的学术假设,强调维也纳盖世太保并不依靠谴责来对抗“敌人”,除了在战争期间的公开抗议和所谓的广播和经济犯罪。通过简短的案例研究,作者描述了盖世太保在奥地利对天主教采取的行动,包括没收财产和著作;对共济会会员的迫害;以及对耶和华见证人更严厉的镇压。盖世太保在一个庞大的抵抗组织告密者系统的帮助下,瓦解了各种政治色彩的抵抗组织。这些告密者通常来自中央合法化的酷刑。根据作者的说法,对共产主义抵抗的镇压可以说是他们最大的成功。1943年至1944年,在大多数有组织的抵抗被镇压之后,盖世太保逮捕的人中有77%是针对外国强迫劳工和苏联战俘的,他们的抵抗仍未得到充分研究。和德国一样,奥地利的罪犯在战后很少受到严厉的惩罚。尽管许多人被送上了法庭,但他们往往被判了很短的刑期——不是因为他们的实际罪行,而是因为他们在吞并前是非法的纳粹党成员。当盖世太保首领胡贝尔声称他帮助过犹太人时,盟军以少量罚款和一年缓刑释放了他。据推测,他在执行任务时“尽可能公平合理”,也不是纳粹意识形态的支持者(106)。一些官员受到了更严厉的监禁,但被提前释放。总的来说,这本书概述了这个最大的地区盖世太保办公室的建立、活动和后果,并包含了一个有用的参考书目。不幸的是,过多的字幕和事实的重复阻碍了文本的流畅。与现有的德国盖世太保研究进行比较,例如对杜塞尔多夫的研究,可能有助于这项工作,因为它往往提供更多的描述而不是分析。这里有一些错误,例如暗示帝国安全总局在吞并期间存在,尽管它只是在1939年9月成立(63)。有时,关于奥地利的现有文献可以避免错误,例如断言自1939年夏季以来犹太人被招募为最低报酬的强迫劳动(184);该项目诞生于维也纳,并于1938年秋天推出。最后,应该提到的是,艾希曼的中央办公室和盖世太保并不仅仅对奥地利的反犹政策负责:有各种各样的行为者发起了歧视性政策,包括市政当局、纳粹党和奥地利各部。
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Felix Jeschke. Iron Landscapes: National Space and the Railways in Interwar Czechoslovakia New York: Berghahn, 2021. Pp. 256.
in summer 1938, planned forced emigration and deportation, while the Gestapo controlled the Jewish community, punished individual Jews, issued anti-Jewish regulations, and organized the looting of assets in Vienna (365). For the mass deportations of Austrian Jews to the occupied East, the authors emphasize that Eichmann’s Central Office acted in close cooperation with the Vienna Gestapo. The Gestapo arrested many escaped Jews and non-Jewish Austrians who helped them. They also organized the expropriation of Jewish belongings by creating unique offices for this purpose. In March 1945, Karl Ebner reported to Himmler assets of one billion Reichsmarks for the Nazi State (201). Challenging previous scholarly assumptions about Nazi society, the authors emphasize that the Vienna Gestapo did not depend on denunciations for their fight against “enemies,” except for public protest and so-called radio and economic crimes during the war. Illustrated by short case studies, the authors describe Gestapo actions against Catholicism in Austria, including the seizure of property and writings; the persecution of Freemasons; and the even harsher crackdown on Jehovah’s Witnesses. With the help of a huge system of turncoat informants from the resistance milieu, often produced by centrally legalized torture, the Gestapo dismantled resistance groups of all political colors. The repression of communist resistance could be called their greatest success, according to the authors. In 1943/44, after most organized resistance was squashed, 77 percent of all Gestapo arrests targeted foreign forced laborers and Soviet POWs, whose resistance is still under-researched. As in Germany, Austrian perpetrators rarely received severe punishments after the war. Although many went to trial, they often got away with short sentences—not for their actual crimes but for being illegal Nazi Party members before the annexation. When the Gestapo head Huber claimed that he had helped Jews, the allies released him with a small fine and one year of probation. Supposedly, he had executed his tasks “as fairly and reasonable as possible” and was not a supporter of Nazi ideology (106). Some officers received more severe prison sentences but were released early. Overall, the book provides an overview of the establishment, activities, and aftermath of this largest regional Gestapo office, and it contains a useful bibliography. Unfortunately, excessive subtitles and the repetition of facts hinder the flow of the text. Comparisons with available German Gestapo studies, for example on Düsseldorf, could have helped this work, which often provides more description than analysis. There are some mistakes, such as the suggestion that the Reich Security Main Office existed during the time of the annexation, though it was founded only in September 1939 (63). At times, available literature on Austria could have prevented errors, such as the assertion that since summer 1939 Jews were recruited for minimal paid forced labor (184); the program was born in Vienna and introduced in the fall of 1938. Finally, it should be mentioned that Eichmann’s Central Office and the Gestapo were not solely responsible for anti-Jewish policy in Austria: there were various actors initiating discriminatory policies including municipalities, the Nazi Party, and Austrian ministries.
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58
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