政权更迭

Q4 Social Sciences Perspectives on Political Science Pub Date : 2023-08-08 DOI:10.1080/10457097.2023.2243194
Joseph M. Knippenberg
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We might first of all ask why Deneen’s patience has been replaced by such a sense of urgency that he is willing to call for the adoption of “Machiavellian means to achieve Aristotelian ends” (RC, 167), a proposal in bold-face type in the book, and to echo Vladimir Lenin in titling the third part of the book “what is to be done.” Perhaps the political setting has changed, with the first book largely written before Donald Trump took office and the second in the middle of the Biden Administration. Perhaps some political or judicial possibilities have emerged, making “aristopopulism” conceivable in a way heretofore impossible. Perhaps the development of an embryonic multiethnic working-class coalition has opened new vistas for Deneen. Perhaps the comprehensive embrace of antiracism and intersectionality on the Left made its soft totalitarianism even more evident to those with eyes to see. Perhaps COVID made it impossible to ignore the yawning chasm between the haves, who could continue to work in the relative safety of their homes, and the have-nots, who lost their jobs or risked their health to keep them. Perhaps doors opening and doors slamming shut encouraged urgency and discouraged patience. Nevertheless, it makes more sense to attend to what Deneen actually says in the book than to speculate about events and circumstances that he does not explicitly or extensively address. While both books share a critical analysis of liberalism—developed fully in the first book and sketched in the second—Regime Change focuses its attention on the class analysis first mentioned in Why Liberalism Failed. The “new aristocracy” (WLF, 131) of the latter gets a much fuller treatment in Regime Change. Building upon the work of Charles Murray’s Coming Apart, Michael Lind’s The New Class War, and Michael Sandel’s The Tyranny of Merit, Deneen offers a well-developed account of the current iteration of the age-old conflict between “the few” and “the many,” those who in our time have successfully adapted to the placeless high-tech marketplace, embracing constant innovation, change, and creative destruction, on the one hand, and those who sought refuge—for the most part unsuccessfully—from the impersonal forces that threatened their livelihoods and their communities, the “winners” and “losers” in our new global economic order. To elucidate the theoretical dimension of this conflict, Deneen relies on some familiar sources (Aristotle, Machiavelli, and Marx, among others) and an unexpected one—John Locke, whose presence in the pantheon of theorists of class conflict is in part required to interpret liberals as self-conscious combatants in this affray. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

帕特里克·J·德宁的《政权更迭》是他2018年出版的《自由主义为什么失败》的续集。如果说有什么不同的话,那就是它比前一本书更具野心和挑衅性,呼吁“政权更迭”,第一本书简单而温和地建议“耐心鼓励新形式的社区,这些社区可以成为我们去个人化的政治和经济秩序中的避风港”(WLF,xv)。由于它们对我们当前的文化和政治困境提供了一个清晰的、在某些情况下令人信服的视角,这两本书都值得关注。德宁在我们的辩论中是一个重要而独特的声音,我们忽视了这一点,后果自负。但是,正如我希望这次审查所表明的那样,关注德宁的论点并不一定意味着同意它。我们可能首先会问,为什么德宁的耐心被这样一种紧迫感所取代,以至于他愿意呼吁采用“马基雅维利式的手段来实现亚里士多德式的目的”(RC,167),这是本书中的一个大胆的提议,并在书的第三部分命名为“该做什么”时呼应弗拉基米尔·列宁,第一本书主要是在唐纳德·特朗普上台之前写的,第二本书是在拜登政府中期写的。也许已经出现了一些政治或司法的可能性,使得“贵族主义”以一种迄今为止不可能的方式被想象出来。也许一个萌芽的多民族工人阶级联盟的发展为德宁打开了新的前景。也许左翼对反种族主义和交叉性的全面拥抱,使其软极权主义对那些有眼光的人来说更加明显。也许新冠肺炎让我们无法忽视富人和穷人之间的巨大鸿沟,前者可以继续在相对安全的家中工作,后者失去了工作或冒着健康风险保住了工作。也许门的打开和门的关上鼓励了紧迫感,也挫伤了耐心。尽管如此,关注Deneen在书中的实际言论比推测他没有明确或广泛提及的事件和情况更有意义。虽然这两本书都对自由主义进行了批判性分析——在第一本书中得到了充分发展,在第二本书中进行了概述——但《政权更迭》将注意力集中在《为什么自由主义失败》中首次提到的阶级分析上。后者的“新贵族”(WLF,131)在政权更迭中得到了更充分的待遇。在查尔斯·默里(Charles Murray)的《分崩离析》(Coming Apart)、迈克尔·林德(Michael Lind)的《新阶级战争》(the New Class War)和迈克尔·桑德尔(Michael Sandel,一方面是创造性的破坏,以及那些从威胁他们生计和社区的非个人力量中寻求庇护的人,他们是我们新的全球经济秩序中的“赢家”和“输家”,但大多没有成功。为了阐明这场冲突的理论维度,德宁依赖于一些熟悉的来源(亚里士多德、马基雅维利和马克思等)和一个意想不到的来源——约翰·洛克,他在阶级冲突理论家的万神殿中的存在在一定程度上被要求将自由主义者解释为这场混战中的自觉战斗者。特别是,德宁提请我们注意他在《为什么自由主义失败》中不止一次引用的一段话,洛克在其中提到了“勤奋和理性的人”与“争吵和有争议的人”之间的区别(见洛克,第二篇论文,第34节,例如RC,72和WLF,136)。Deneen将这种Lockean的区别解读为雄心勃勃的原始资本家和人民之间的区别,人民是一种“潜在的‘激进’力量,尤其是嫉妒和怨恨可能破坏自由财产权”(RC,74)。鉴于洛克后来所说的
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Regime Change
Patrick J. Deneen’s Regime Change is a sequel to his ambitious and provocative Why Liberalism Failed, published in 2018. If anything, it is even more ambitious and provocative than its predecessor, calling for “regime change” where the first book simply and modestly recommended “the patient encouragement of new forms of community that can serve as havens in our depersonalized political and economic order” (WLF, xv). Since they provide a clear and in some cases compelling perspective on our current cultural and political predicament, both books deserve the attention they have gotten and are getting. Deneen’s is an important and distinctive voice in our debate, one we neglect at our peril. But to attend to Deneen’s argument is not necessarily to assent to it, as I hope this review demonstrates. We might first of all ask why Deneen’s patience has been replaced by such a sense of urgency that he is willing to call for the adoption of “Machiavellian means to achieve Aristotelian ends” (RC, 167), a proposal in bold-face type in the book, and to echo Vladimir Lenin in titling the third part of the book “what is to be done.” Perhaps the political setting has changed, with the first book largely written before Donald Trump took office and the second in the middle of the Biden Administration. Perhaps some political or judicial possibilities have emerged, making “aristopopulism” conceivable in a way heretofore impossible. Perhaps the development of an embryonic multiethnic working-class coalition has opened new vistas for Deneen. Perhaps the comprehensive embrace of antiracism and intersectionality on the Left made its soft totalitarianism even more evident to those with eyes to see. Perhaps COVID made it impossible to ignore the yawning chasm between the haves, who could continue to work in the relative safety of their homes, and the have-nots, who lost their jobs or risked their health to keep them. Perhaps doors opening and doors slamming shut encouraged urgency and discouraged patience. Nevertheless, it makes more sense to attend to what Deneen actually says in the book than to speculate about events and circumstances that he does not explicitly or extensively address. While both books share a critical analysis of liberalism—developed fully in the first book and sketched in the second—Regime Change focuses its attention on the class analysis first mentioned in Why Liberalism Failed. The “new aristocracy” (WLF, 131) of the latter gets a much fuller treatment in Regime Change. Building upon the work of Charles Murray’s Coming Apart, Michael Lind’s The New Class War, and Michael Sandel’s The Tyranny of Merit, Deneen offers a well-developed account of the current iteration of the age-old conflict between “the few” and “the many,” those who in our time have successfully adapted to the placeless high-tech marketplace, embracing constant innovation, change, and creative destruction, on the one hand, and those who sought refuge—for the most part unsuccessfully—from the impersonal forces that threatened their livelihoods and their communities, the “winners” and “losers” in our new global economic order. To elucidate the theoretical dimension of this conflict, Deneen relies on some familiar sources (Aristotle, Machiavelli, and Marx, among others) and an unexpected one—John Locke, whose presence in the pantheon of theorists of class conflict is in part required to interpret liberals as self-conscious combatants in this affray. In particular, Deneen calls our attention to a passage he cited more than once in Why Liberalism Failed, where Locke refers to the distinction between “the industrious and rational,” on the one side, and “the quarrelsome and contentious,” on the other (see Locke, Second Treatise, Sec. 34 and, e.g. RC, 72 and WLF, 136). Deneen reads this Lockean distinction as referring to the difference between ambitious proto-capitalists and the people, a “potentially ‘radical’ force, particularly for the potential of envy and resentment to undermine liberal rights of property” (RC, 74). Given what Locke says later about
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Perspectives on Political Science
Perspectives on Political Science Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
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0.20
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24
期刊介绍: Whether discussing Montaigne"s case for tolerance or Nietzsche"s political critique of modern science, Perspectives on Political Science links contemporary politics and culture to the enduring questions posed by great thinkers from antiquity to the present. Ideas are the lifeblood of the journal, which comprises articles, symposia, and book reviews. Recent articles address the writings of Aristotle, Adam Smith, and Plutarch; the movies No Country for Old Men and 3:10 to Yuma; and the role of humility in modern political thought.
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