2022年秋天的意大利:一个瓜多中部的国家

IF 2.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Contemporary Italian Politics Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI:10.1080/23248823.2022.2132588
James L. Newell
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引用次数: 1

摘要

正如我们将在2022年10月初报道的那样,意大利的政治形势是即将离任的德拉吉政府和新政府的组建之间的过渡,新政府似乎几乎肯定会由Giorgia Meloni领导,成为意大利首位女总理。新内阁不太可能在10月底之前举行首次会议。正如前《经济学人》编辑比尔·埃莫特所指出的那样,对于意大利政治的外国观察家来说,从9月25日大选到新政府就职之间相隔如此长的时间似乎很奇怪。有人可能会补充说,这似乎更奇怪,因为这次选举自2008年以来首次为一个竞争的选举联盟提供了明显的多数席位。事实上,对时间差距有一个非常直接的制度解释;因为新政府的就职取决于一系列程序的完成,而在成功完成之前,这些程序都无法开始。首先,要到10月13日,参议院和众议院计划首次开会,新当选的议员才能就职,拍摄他们的官方照片,并完成与承担新角色和职责相关的各种其他官僚任务。然后,立法机构的两个分支机构必须通过无记名投票的方式选举各自的总统,就众议院而言,只有在前两轮投票中获得至少三分之二的支持。只有到那时,新当选的总统才有可能监督议会小组的组建。只有到那时,共和国总统才能在首先咨询了前国家元首、立法机构两个部门的主席以及政党领导人和议会小组领导人后,授予梅洛尼组建政府的授权。候任总理通常有条件地接受他们的授权(con riserva),从而使他们能够与议会团体领导人协商,以确定(或以其他方式)议会多数派的存在,他们愿意维持他们可能领导的政府。有了这一程序,他们就可以无条件地接受自己的授权(sciogliere la riserva),并向国家元首提交一份拟议的政府部长名单,根据《宪法》第92条,这些部长的任命是共和国总统的职责。届时,新政府可以宣誓就职,权力从即将离任的总理正式移交给即将上任的总理。然而,在新政府完全承担责任之前,还必须遵守另一个仪式:在新总理宣布其政府计划的基础上,立法机构的两个部门将被要求通过对新行政部门的确认信任投票。《当代意大利政治2022》,第14卷,第4期,397-401https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2132588
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Italy in the Autumn of 2022: a country in mezzo al guado
As we were going to press at the beginning of October 2022, the political conjuncture in Italy was one of transition between the outgoing Draghi government and the formation of the new government, which seemed almost certain to be led by Giorgia Meloni as Italy’s first female prime minister. It was unlikely to be before the end of October that the new Cabinet would meet for the first time. As former Economist editor, Bill Emmott, noted, for foreign observers of Italian politics it was likely to seem strange that such a long period of time had to elapse between the 25 September general election and the new government’s assumption of office. It was likely to seem the stranger, one might add, as the election had delivered – for the first time since 2008 – a clear seat majority for one of the contending electoral coalitions. In fact, there was a very straightforward institutional explanation for the time gap; for the new government’s assumption of office was dependent on the completion of a series of procedures none of which could begin before successful completion of the one before it. First, it would take until 13 October, when the Senate and Chamber of Deputies were scheduled to meet for the first time, for the newly elected parliamentarians to be inducted, to have their official photographs taken and to complete the various other bureaucratic tasks associated with the assumption of their new roles and responsibilities. Then the two branches of the legislature would have to elect their respective presidents, doing so by means of secret ballot and, in the case of the Chamber, only with the support of at least two-thirds at the first two rounds of voting. Only then would it be possible for the newly elected presidents to supervise the formation of the parliamentary groups. And only then would the president of the Republic be in a position to confer a mandate for the formation of a government – on Meloni, one had to assume – having first consulted the former heads of state, the presidents of the two branches of the legislature and the party leaders and parliamentary group leaders. Prime ministers designate usually accept their mandates conditionally (con riserva) – thus enabling them to consult the parliamentary group leaders with a view to establishing the existence (or otherwise) of a parliamentary majority willing to sustain a government they might lead. With that procedure out of the way, they can then accept their mandates unconditionally (sciogliere la riserva) and present the head of state with a list of proposed government ministers, whose appointment is, in accordance with article 92 of the Constitution, a bene placito of the president of the Republic. At that point, the new government can be sworn in and powers officially pass from the outgoing to the incoming Prime Minister. However, there is then one further ritual that must be observed before the new government fully assumes its responsibilities: On the basis of a declaration of the new Prime Minister setting out her intended programme for government, the two branches of the legislature will be required to pass confirmatory votes of confidence in the new executive. CONTEMPORARY ITALIAN POLITICS 2022, VOL. 14, NO. 4, 397–401 https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2132588
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来源期刊
Contemporary Italian Politics
Contemporary Italian Politics Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
4.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
40
期刊介绍: Contemporary Italian Politics, formerly Bulletin of Italian Politics, is a political science journal aimed at academics and policy makers as well as others with a professional or intellectual interest in the politics of Italy. The journal has two main aims: Firstly, to provide rigorous analysis, in the English language, about the politics of what is one of the European Union’s four largest states in terms of population and Gross Domestic Product. We seek to do this aware that too often those in the English-speaking world looking for incisive analysis and insight into the latest trends and developments in Italian politics are likely to be stymied by two contrasting difficulties. On the one hand, they can turn to the daily and weekly print media. Here they will find information on the latest developments, sure enough; but much of it is likely to lack the incisiveness of academic writing and may even be straightforwardly inaccurate. On the other hand, readers can turn either to general political science journals – but here they will have to face the issue of fragmented information – or to specific journals on Italy – in which case they will find that politics is considered only insofar as it is part of the broader field of modern Italian studies[...] The second aim follows from the first insofar as, in seeking to achieve it, we hope thereby to provide analysis that readers will find genuinely useful. With research funding bodies of all kinds giving increasing emphasis to knowledge transfer and increasingly demanding of applicants that they demonstrate the relevance of what they are doing to non-academic ‘end users’, political scientists have a self-interested motive for attempting a closer engagement with outside practitioners.
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