“国家杀死了我的孩子”:欧洲外围的安全、正义和情感社会

IF 1.8 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Critical Studies on Security Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI:10.1080/21624887.2022.2147328
Danijela Majstorovic
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引用次数: 1

摘要

2018年3月18日,21岁的电气工程专业学生David Dragičević失踪后,关心此事的公民在巴尼亚卢卡的克拉伊纳广场开始举行小型集会,没有人能预料到,随着大卫正义运动和泽南正义运动跨越波黑的行政和种族边界,他们将演变成波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那(波黑)持续时间最长的大规模抗议活动。大卫的案件据称是塞族共和国一些警察所为,与另一起尚未解决的谋杀案有关,这起谋杀案是22岁的Dženan Memić于2016年2月在萨拉热窝因可疑情况死亡,据称是由与执政党民主行动党关系密切的人所为。这两起案件都面临着试图沉默、篡改证据的行为,而且连续数月都没有得到警方的适当调查或司法部门的起诉,这引发了针对当前国家结构的社会抗议。由于宪法设计在该国持续的危机中发挥着至关重要的作用,因此重要的是要确定波黑的设置轮廓。1992年至1995年战争后,该国被划分为两个实体和布尔奇科区,自《代顿和平协议》(代顿)以来,该国一直由民族主义政治精英统治,最著名的是SDA和SNSD。组织抗议活动的两位父亲Davor Dragičević和Muriz Memić将他们孩子的遭遇归咎于两个实体中的主导政党,即波黑联邦的SDA和塞族共和国的SNSD,包括实体警察和司法部门。在疏忽和缺乏解决案件所需的正当程序的情况下,巴尼亚卢卡和萨拉热窝的公民参加了抗议活动,象征性地和有机地首次团结了波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那(波黑)。这两起案件还形成了新的情感社会关系和形式,在这种关系和形式中,与安全相关的利害关系和关切将安全重新表述为关怀,但也表达了欧洲外围国家的社会正义。照片1,Aleksandar Trifunović,Buka杂志
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‘The state killed my child’: security, justice and affective sociality in the European periphery
When the small gatherings of concerned citizens started at the main Krajina square in Banja Luka, following the disappearance of the 21-year-old electrical engineering student, David Dragičević, on 18 March 2018, nobody could have predicted that they would evolve into large-scale and the longest-lasting protests in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) with the Justice for David (JFD) and Justice for Dženan movements crossing BiH’s administrative and ethnic borders. David’s case, allegedly at the hand of some of the Republika Srpska police members, was brought into connection with another unresolved murder case, the one of the 22year-old Dženan Memić who died in February 2016 in Sarajevo under suspicious circumstances, allegedly at the hand of people close to the ruling Party of Democratic Action (SDA). Both cases faced attempted silencing, tampering with evidence and altogether lacked proper police investigation or prosecution by the judiciary for months on end, spurring the social protests against the current state structures. As the constitutional design plays a crucial role within the ongoing crisis of the country, it is important to give the contours of BiH setup. After the 1992–1995 war, the country has been divided into the two entities and Brčko district and has since Dayton Peace Agreement (Dayton) been ruled by ethnonationalist political elites, most notably the SDA and the SNSD. The two fathers organising the protests, Davor Dragičević and Muriz Memić, blamed the dominant political parties in the two entities, SDA in the Federation of BiH and SNSD in the Republika Srpska (RS), including the entity police and judiciary for what happened to their children. Amidst negligence and lack of due procedure necessary to resolve the cases, citizens of Banja Luka and Sarajevo joined the protests, symbolically and organically uniting Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) for the first time. These two cases also forged new relationships and forms of affective sociality within which security-related stakes and concerns rearticulated security as care but also the meaning social justice in this European periphery. Photo 1 by Aleksandar Trifunović, Buka magazine
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