政治参与研究导论(1966)

A. Pizzorno
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引用次数: 2

摘要

目前用于政治参与研究的指标表明,这一概念通常仅限于某种参与。这可能是因为这些研究被认为是对共识问题的回答。但参与必然意味着共识或异议。相反,现代参与问题源于公民社会的自主崛起和自身冲突在政治层面上的换位。参与可能成为推翻或维持民间社会不平等制度的努力的产物。这些前提使我们考虑到政治参与的非政府层面。美国政治学最早摆脱了过于狭隘的国家概念。然而,现在,政治制度的概念似乎再次强加给政治活动的限制,而这些限制不允许解释它所包含的普世性元素。因此,在现代世界,将政治纷争视为民族国家形成和阶级斗争产生的两种团结的具体表现似乎更为方便。这一细分也对应于解释政治参与条件的两个主要模式:即阶级意识模式和可定义为“中心-外围”的模式。这些模型中的每一个都只考虑了某些事实。然而,如果我们分析它们,它们似乎包含了一个共同的原则,我们可以用这样一个命题来表达,即只有在某些“平等领域”内才能参与。当考虑到不同类型的参与时,可以反过来提出更具体的主张。通过对(1)法定的额外地位和(2)普遍的私人或政治团结这两个维度进行交叉分类,提出了四种类型:政治专业性、公民参与、社会运动和亚文化。最后,对最近研究的数据进行了检查,特别努力描述了意大利局势的一些特点。值得注意的是,亚文化参与和残余社会运动的相关性,以及公民参与的重要性较低。
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Introduzione allo studio della partecipazione politica (1966)
The indicators currently employed in research on politicai participation show that this concept is usually restricted to a certain kind of participation. This is probably due to the fact that these studies are framed as answers to the problem of consensus. But participation does necessarily identify with consensus or dissent. On the contrary the modern problem of participation originates with the autonomous rise of the civil society and the transposition on the political plane of its own conflicts. Participation may become then the product of the effort to overthrow or maintain the system of inequalities of the civil society. These premises lead us to take into consideration a non govenwnental dimension of political participation. The American political science has been the first to get rid of the excessively narrow concept of state. Now, however, the notion of political system appears to impose again to the political activity limits that do not allow to account for the universalistic elements it contains. It seems therefore more convenient to view the political acrion – in the modern world – as specific of the two kinds of solidarity grown from the formation of the Nation-state and from the class struggle. This subdivision corresponds also to the two major models with which the conditions of political participation have been explaned: namely the model of class consciusness and the one definable as «center-periphery». Each of these models accounts for certain facts only. If we analyse them, however, they seem to contain a common principle, that we could express with the proposition that participation is possible only within certain «areas of equality». More specific propositions can in turn be formulated, when different types of participation are taken into consideration. By crossclassifying the two dimensions of (1) statual-extra statual, and (2) prevailing private or political solidarity, four types are proposed: political professionalism, civic participation, social movements and subcultures. Finally the data from recent reserches are examined, with a particular effort to delineate some peculiarities of the Italian situation. Notable in it the relevance of subcultural participation and of the residual social movements and the lesser importance of civic participation.
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