保护中的矛盾:2023年印度森林(保护)修正法案

Shailendra Boora
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引用次数: 0

摘要

最近,印度议会通过了《2023年森林(保护)修正案法案》,这引起了环保主义者、学者和土著社区的广泛关注。尽管该法案在其介绍中声称要捍卫保护,但具有讽刺意味的是,它为印度珍贵的森林打开了潜在危害的大门。《2023年森林(保护)修订法案》的目标似乎值得称赞。它的引言赞扬了森林的巨大重要性,强调了森林在维持生态平衡和保护当代和后代生物多样性方面的关键作用。该法案设定了雄心勃勃的目标,比如到2030年建立一个能够吸收25至30亿吨二氧化碳的碳汇,以及改善依赖森林的社区的生活。在初步检查中,该法案似乎为印度带来了一个更光明、更环保的未来。到2030年,碳汇能够吸收25至30亿吨二氧化碳。然而,仔细研究该法案的条款,我们会看到一幅不同的画面。虽然引言促进了保护和可持续增长,但后面的部分使这一愿景复杂化。该法案允许将林地重新用于各种非森林活动,如基础设施项目、采矿和工业。这与它最初倡导的核心保护价值观相矛盾。该法案规定,只有1927年《印度森林法》承认的林地,以及1980年10月25日以后在政府记录中记录为森林的林地。它还不包括铁路线或用于公共设施的公共道路附近不超过0.10公顷的林地,以及国际边界100公里内的地区或控制线或实际控制线等关键区域。该法案包括加快对国家至关重要的战略和安全中心项目的条款,特别是在边境地区和受左翼极端主义影响的地区。它赋予中央政府自由裁量权,将林地重新用于各种用途,包括动物园、野生动物园、生态旅游景点、通信中心和检查站,以及他们认为必要的其他用途。此外,中央政府有权指导中央政府、邦政府或联邦领土管理局内的任何实体执行该法案。该法案的条款对我们已经在减少的森林构成了威胁。政府在该法案中对林地的狭义定义令人担忧。它只承认根据1927年《印度森林法》指定为森林的土地,以及1980年10月25日之后在政府记录中被列为森林的土地,这忽略了很大一部分未记录的森林和社区森林。这种方法有重新利用官方记录中未标记为“森林”的土地的风险,使它们容易枯竭。这一重新定义与最高法院在T.N. Godavarman一案中具有里程碑意义的判决相矛盾,《国际环境研究杂志》2023年第80卷,第2期。5、1212-1215 https://doi.org/10.1080/00207233.2023.2247929
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Contradictions in conservation: India’s forest (Conservation) Amendment Bill, 2023
Sir, The recent approval of the Forest (Conservation) Amendment Bill, 2023, by the Indian Parliament has raised numerous concerns among environmentalists, scholars, and indigenous communities. Although the Bill claims to champion conservation in its introduction, it ironically opens the door to potential harm to India’s precious forests. The Forest (Conservation) Amendment Bill, 2023, appears to have commendable objectives. Its introduction praises the immense importance of forests, highlighting their crucial role in sustaining ecological balance and safeguarding biodiversity for current and future generations. The Bill sets ambitious targets, like establishing a carbon sink capable of absorbing 2.5 to 3.0 billion tons of CO2 by 2030 and improving the lives of communities reliant on forests [1]. On initial inspection, the Bill seems to promise a brighter, greener future for India. carbon sink capable of absorbing 2.5 to 3.0 billion tons of CO2 by 2030 Yet, a closer examination of the Bill’s provisions paints a different picture. Although the introduction promotes conservation and sustainable growth, later sections complicate this vision. The Bill allows for the repurposing of forest lands for various non-forest activities, such as infrastructure projects, mining, and industry. This contradicts the core conservation values it initially advocates [1]. The Bill specifies forest lands as only those recognised under the Indian Forest Act, 1927, and those documented as forests in government records after 25 October 1980. It also excludes forest lands of up to 0.10 hectares near rail lines or public roads meant for public facilities, as well as areas within 100 kilometres of international borders or key zones like the Line of Control or Line of Actual Control [1]. The Bill includes provisions to expedite strategic and security-centric projects vital to the nation, particularly in border regions and areas impacted by Left Wing Extremism. It grants the central government the discretion to repurpose forest lands for various uses, including zoos, safaris, eco-tourism sites, communication hubs, and check-posts, among other purposes they deem necessary. Furthermore, the Central Government has the right to guide any entity within the Central Government, State Government, or Union Territory Administration regarding the Act’s enforcement [1]. The Bill’s provisions pose a threat to our already diminishing forests. The government’s narrow definition of forest land in this Bill is alarming. By recognising only lands designated as forests under the Indian Forest Act, 1927, and those listed as forests in government records after 25 October 1980, it overlooks a significant portion of unrecorded and community forests. This approach risks repurposing lands not labelled as ‘forest’ in official records, making them susceptible to depletion. This redefinition contradicts the Supreme Court’s landmark decision in the case of T.N. Godavarman INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES 2023, VOL. 80, NO. 5, 1212–1215 https://doi.org/10.1080/00207233.2023.2247929
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来源期刊
International Journal of Environmental Studies
International Journal of Environmental Studies Social Sciences-Geography, Planning and Development
CiteScore
3.30
自引率
0.00%
发文量
121
期刊介绍: For more than 45 years, the International Journal of Environmental Studies has been pre-eminent in its field. The environment is understood to comprise the natural and the man-made, and their interactions; including such matters as pollution, health effects, analytical methods, political approaches, social impacts etc. Papers favouring an interdisciplinary approach are preferred, because the evidence of more than 45 years appears to be that many intellectual tools and many causes and effects are at issue in any environmental problem - and its solution. This does not mean that a single focus or a narrow view is unwelcome; provided always that the evidence is indicated and the method is robust. Pragmatic decision-making and applicable policies are subjects of interest, together with the problems in establishing facts about dynamic systems where long periods of observation and precise measurement may be difficult to secure. In other words, a systems or holistic approach to the environment and a scientific analysis are complementary, and the distinction between ’hard’ and ’soft’ science is bridged in most of the papers published. These may be on any item in the agenda of environmental science: land, water, food, conservation, population, risk analysis, energy, economics of ecological and non-ecological approaches, social advocacy of arguments for change, legal measures, implications of urbanism, energy choices, waste disposal, recycling, transport systems and other issues of mass society. There is concern also for marginal areas, under-developed societies, minorities, species loss; and indeed no element of the subject of environmental studies, seen in an international and interactive mode, is excluded.
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