商业流通与抽象统治

IF 0.4 Q1 HISTORY Critical Historical Studies Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI:10.1086/708254
Stacie Kent
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摘要

她教我马克思。按照他的习惯,这是一次严格的训练。他关于《资本论》的研究生研讨会始于1844年的手稿《费尔巴哈论文》、《Grundrise》,数周后从《资本主义》第一卷的第一章延续到第二章。文本的缓慢节奏和彻底的注释既是设计的,也是莫伊舍将部分与整体联系起来的气质承诺的产物。我对马克思的兴趣在当时是,现在仍然有些非正统。在中国历史领域工作,我更感兴趣的是将马克思的见解应用于商品流通,而不是商品生产。在这种情况下,莫伊舍可能看起来是一个同样非正统的老师。他对《资本论》的解读集中在劳动和价值上,劳动和价值是财富和社会中介的一种历史特殊形式。也就是说,莫伊舍强调价值生产(特别强调价值是什么),而我一直对商品中固有的价值传播时发生的事情感兴趣。我的中国历史研究涉及十九世纪的对外贸易。我研究了贸易法规、治国方略,以及资本主义如何以全球和地方商品贸易的形式与这些法规相交,甚至重塑这些法规。我最初接受的是文化史、话语分析和后殖民研究的培训,莫伊舍无意中干预了这个项目,这是一种可能性——在阅读第一章和第四章之间的某个时候浮出水面——话语是结构的一部分。英国人对中国贸易条件的抱怨,是我当时研究的直接焦点,也许不仅是关于东方差异,也是关于作为商品所有者意味着什么。这种看似微小的干预实际上是一种范式的转变。
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Commercial Circulation and Abstract Domination
oishe taught me Marx. As was his wont, this was a rigorous training. His graduate seminar on Capital began with the 1844 manuscripts, the “Theses on Feuerbach,” The Grundrisse, and after many weeks continued from chapter 1 to chapter 2 of Capital, volume 1. The slow pace and thorough exegesis of the texts was both by design and a product of Moishe’s temperamental commitment to relating parts to the whole. My interest in Marx was at the time and still is somewhat unorthodox. Working in the field of Chinese history, I am more interested in applying Marx’s insights to commodity circulation than commodity production. This being the case, Moishe might seem an equally unorthodox teacher. His reading of Capital centers on labor and value as a historically particular form of wealth and social mediation. That is to say, Moishe emphasized value production (with particular stress on what value was), whereas I have been interested in what happened when value, inhering in commodities, traveled. My work in Chinese history concerns foreign trade during the nineteenth century. I examine trade regulations, statecraft, and how capitalism, in the form of global and local commodity trades, intersected with and even reshaped these. I was initially trained in cultural history, discourse analysis, and postcolonial studies, and Moishe’s unintentional intervention into this project was the possibility—which surfaced at some point between reading chapter 1 and chapter 4—that discourse was part of structure. The British complaints about trading conditions in China, which were the immediate focus of my research at the time, were perhaps not only about oriental difference but also about what it meant to be a commodity owner. This seemingly small intervention was in fact a paradigm shift.
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