论格丢失和svarabhakti元音:北日耳曼简化的社会语言学类型学和地理语言学

T. Blaxter, P. Trudgill
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引用次数: 2

摘要

社会语言学类型学和克里奥尔语研究已经确立了一种理论,即成年人在第二语言习得中的密集语言接触往往会导致语法简化。这一理论建立在许多轶事案例研究的基础上,包括与中古低地德语接触相关的北日耳曼大陆历史的发展。在本文中,我们通过考察挪威语历史上的两个变化来评估这一理论:尾音/Cr/簇的丢失和介词属格的丢失。如果这一理论是正确的,那么这些变化应该在与中古低地德语的接触中心进行创新。我们发现,这两种变化实际上都是从瑞典语传播到挪威东南部的。由于瑞典和丹麦也发生过与低地德语的接触,这与理论是一致的。这为未来研究方言接触在北日耳曼语简化变化中的作用提出了问题。
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On case loss and svarabhakti vowels: the sociolinguistic typology and geolinguistics of simplification in North Germanic
Work in sociolinguistic typology and creole studies has established the theory that intensive language contact involving second language acquisition by adults tends to lead to grammatical simplification. This theory is built on many anecdotal case studies, including developments in the history of Continental North Germanic associated with contact with Middle Low German. In this paper, we assess the theory by examining two changes in the history of Norwegian: the loss of coda /Cr/ clusters and the loss of prepositional genitives. If the theory is correct, these changes should have been innovated in centers of contact with Middle Low German. We find that both changes in fact spread into southeastern Norwegian from Swedish. Since contact with Low German also took place in Sweden and Denmark, this is consistent with the theory. It opens questions for future research about the role of dialect contact in simplificatory change in North Germanic.
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