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引用次数: 1
摘要
本文分析了唐纳德·特朗普在其两次总统竞选和总统任期内对中国的受害者民族主义部署。他最初的竞选口号是“让美国再次伟大起来”(Make America Great Again),目的是在他的支持者中形成一种集体认同感,方法是援引美国衰落的概念,并将不满投射到一些国内外行动者身上。中国是这一叙事中反复出现的一个特征,为美联储的政策提供了信息,并在更广泛的美国保守主义环境中找到了一个家。特朗普将美国的经济问题归咎于中国,从2016年开始,他就说“我们不能继续允许中国强奸我们的国家,这就是他们正在做的事情”。围绕美国与中国的全球地位的焦虑感在2020年再次出现,当时他警告说,“如果我不赢得选举,中国将拥有美国。”在2020年1月开始的新冠肺炎大流行的背景下,他再次重申了这一点,他将新冠肺炎描述为“中国病毒”,以唤起中国的受害感,并将责任转移到自己政府的失败上。尽管潜在的情绪是谁“对中国软弱”是一个问题
“We Don’t Win Anymore”: Donald Trump, China, and the Politics of Victimhood Nationalism
This paper analyses the deployment of victimhood nationalism towards China by Donald Trump during his two presidential campaigns and presidency. His original campaign slogan, “Make America Great Again,” aimed to form a sense of collective identity among his supporters by invoking the notion of American decline and projecting grievances onto a number of domestic and foreign actors. China was a recurring feature of this narrative, informed his administration’s policies, and found a home in the broader milieu of US conservatism. Trump blamed China for theUS’s economic problemswith remarks like “we can’t continue to allowChina to rape our country, and that’s what they’re doing” from 2016. The sense of anxiety surroundingUS global status in relation toChinawas present again in 2020when he warned that “if I don’t win the election, China will own theUnited States.” This was again re-articulated through the context of the COVID-19 pandemic beginning in January 2020 where he described COVID-19 as the “China virus” to invoke a sense of victimization by China and deflect blame away from his own administration’s failings. Despite the underlying sentiment of who was “weak on China” being an
期刊介绍:
Since its inception in 1968, Polity has been committed to the publication of scholarship reflecting the full variety of approaches to the study of politics. As journals have become more specialized and less accessible to many within the discipline of political science, Polity has remained ecumenical. The editor and editorial board welcome articles intended to be of interest to an entire field (e.g., political theory or international politics) within political science, to the discipline as a whole, and to scholars in related disciplines in the social sciences and the humanities. Scholarship of this type promises to be highly "productive" - that is, to stimulate other scholars to ask fresh questions and reconsider conventional assumptions.