Audrey L. Altstadt, M. Buttino, Ulvi Ismayil, Leyla Yunus, Arif Yunus
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The defeat was a foregone conclusion and did not affect his celebrity or his leading position in the coalition of democratic parties, so opposition news outlets wanted to quote him. There had been a recent surge of arrests of human rights defenders, journalists, and regime critics. The regime’s targets had been second-tier leadership of their organizations, or young activists, journalists and bloggers that the regime feared after colour revolutions toppled authoritarian rulers fromCairo to Kyiv. The arrest of Leyla Yunus was a departure from that pattern, and it sent shock waves through society. On the evening of April 28, she and her husband historian Arif Yunus were removed from an outbound flight on their way to a conference in Belgium. Leyla was taken into custody, and Arif, who was subject to hypertension, was taken to the hospital. Their apartment was searched. These actions signalled an escalation of regime pressure on its critics because of the couple’s prominence in Azerbaijan and internationally as activists and scholars and, in Leyla’s case, as Knight of the Legion of Honor of France. If Leyla could be arrested, who was safe? News of her arrest was difficult to find on state-run television, so I looked for newspapers in the kiosks. In 2014, there were still many opposition newspapers although prices had been raised and their offices, like those of the major opposition parties, had been pushed out of the city centre to remote locations on the outskirts. I walked from my hotel downtown to a large newspaper kiosk with an extensive collection of newspapers and magazines. Speaking Azerbaijani, I asked the young man in the kiosk for one government newspaper, Azerbaijan, and about six from opposition sources. 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My long-time colleague and friend, Jamil Hasanli was head of the National Council of Democratic Forces, a united opposition formed in 2013 to field a single candidate for the presidential election against ten-year incumbent Ilham Aliyev. Jamil had been that candidate and thus the most recent member of the opposition to lose a tainted election to President Aliyev. The defeat was a foregone conclusion and did not affect his celebrity or his leading position in the coalition of democratic parties, so opposition news outlets wanted to quote him. There had been a recent surge of arrests of human rights defenders, journalists, and regime critics. The regime’s targets had been second-tier leadership of their organizations, or young activists, journalists and bloggers that the regime feared after colour revolutions toppled authoritarian rulers fromCairo to Kyiv. The arrest of Leyla Yunus was a departure from that pattern, and it sent shock waves through society. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
“莱拉昨晚被捕了,”在巴库一家山坡上的餐馆里,服务员从我们的桌子旁走开时,我的朋友说。那是2014年4月底。在巴库的政治圈子里,只有一个莱拉,那就是激进的持不同政见者、政权批评者和人权活动家莱拉·尤努斯。“所以,在我们吃午饭的时候,我可能会有一些电话采访,”他冷静地解释道。我的长期同事和朋友Jamil Hasanli是全国民主力量委员会(National Council of Democratic Forces)的主席,这是一个成立于2013年的联合反对派,旨在派出一名候选人参加总统选举,与执政10年的伊利哈姆·阿利耶夫(Ilham Aliyev)竞争。贾米尔就是那个候选人,因此也是最近一个在选举中败给阿利耶夫总统的反对派成员。失败是预料之中的结果,并没有影响他的名声或他在民主党派联盟中的领导地位,所以反对派新闻媒体想引用他的话。最近,对人权捍卫者、记者和政权批评者的逮捕激增。在颜色革命推翻了从开罗到基辅的独裁统治者之后,当局的目标一直是他们组织的二线领导人,或者年轻的活动人士、记者和博客作者。莱拉·尤努斯(Leyla Yunus)的被捕打破了这种模式,并在社会上引发了冲击波。4月28日晚,她和她的丈夫历史学家阿里夫·尤努斯(Arif Yunus)在前往比利时参加一个会议的途中被从出境航班上带走。莱拉被拘留,患有高血压的阿里夫被送往医院。他们的公寓被搜查了。这些行动表明,由于这对夫妇在阿塞拜疆和国际上作为活动家和学者的突出地位,以及莱拉作为法国荣誉军团骑士,政权对其批评者的压力不断升级。如果莱拉被逮捕,谁会安全?在国营电视台上很难看到她被捕的消息,所以我在报亭里找报纸。2014年,尽管价格已经提高,他们的办公室也像主要反对党的办公室一样,已经从市中心搬到了郊区的偏远地区,但仍然有许多反对派报纸。我从市中心的旅馆走到一个大报亭,那里有大量的报纸和杂志。我用阿塞拜疆语向报亭里的年轻人要了一份政府报纸《阿塞拜疆》和大约六份反对派报纸。我看到了
The price of freedom: Torture of political prisoners in Europe today
“Leyla was arrested last night”, said my friend when the waiter walked away from our table in a hillside restaurant in Baku. It was the end of April 2014. In Baku’s political circles, there was only one Leyla, the firebrand dissident, regime critic and human rights activist Leyla Yunus. “So, I might have some phone interviews while we have lunch”, he explained soberly. My long-time colleague and friend, Jamil Hasanli was head of the National Council of Democratic Forces, a united opposition formed in 2013 to field a single candidate for the presidential election against ten-year incumbent Ilham Aliyev. Jamil had been that candidate and thus the most recent member of the opposition to lose a tainted election to President Aliyev. The defeat was a foregone conclusion and did not affect his celebrity or his leading position in the coalition of democratic parties, so opposition news outlets wanted to quote him. There had been a recent surge of arrests of human rights defenders, journalists, and regime critics. The regime’s targets had been second-tier leadership of their organizations, or young activists, journalists and bloggers that the regime feared after colour revolutions toppled authoritarian rulers fromCairo to Kyiv. The arrest of Leyla Yunus was a departure from that pattern, and it sent shock waves through society. On the evening of April 28, she and her husband historian Arif Yunus were removed from an outbound flight on their way to a conference in Belgium. Leyla was taken into custody, and Arif, who was subject to hypertension, was taken to the hospital. Their apartment was searched. These actions signalled an escalation of regime pressure on its critics because of the couple’s prominence in Azerbaijan and internationally as activists and scholars and, in Leyla’s case, as Knight of the Legion of Honor of France. If Leyla could be arrested, who was safe? News of her arrest was difficult to find on state-run television, so I looked for newspapers in the kiosks. In 2014, there were still many opposition newspapers although prices had been raised and their offices, like those of the major opposition parties, had been pushed out of the city centre to remote locations on the outskirts. I walked from my hotel downtown to a large newspaper kiosk with an extensive collection of newspapers and magazines. Speaking Azerbaijani, I asked the young man in the kiosk for one government newspaper, Azerbaijan, and about six from opposition sources. I saw that
期刊介绍:
Caucasus Survey is a new peer-reviewed, multidisciplinary and independent journal, concerned with the study of the Caucasus – the independent republics of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, de facto entities in the area and the North Caucasian republics and regions of the Russian Federation. Also covered are issues relating to the Republic of Kalmykia, Crimea, the Cossacks, Nogays, and Caucasian diasporas. Caucasus Survey aims to advance an area studies tradition in the humanities and social sciences about and from the Caucasus, connecting this tradition with core disciplinary concerns in the fields of history, political science, sociology, anthropology, cultural and religious studies, economics, political geography and demography, security, war and peace studies, and social psychology. Research enhancing understanding of the region’s conflicts and relations between the Russian Federation and the Caucasus, internationally and domestically with regard to the North Caucasus, features high in our concerns.