对劳拉·卡茨·奥尔森的回应

IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE New Political Science Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI:10.1080/07393148.2023.2181549
Peter A. Swenson
{"title":"对劳拉·卡茨·奥尔森的回应","authors":"Peter A. Swenson","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2023.2181549","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Laura Olson’s review of my book nicely surveys, among other things, what I say about the commercial invasion of American therapeutics early in the 20th century and the toxic mixture of profit seeking and health care that resulted. While my book focuses to a great extent on organized medicine’s long-standing and continuing entanglements with the drug industry, she looks at much later commercial invasion—of corporate capital into the clinical encounter between provider and patient. We both address another ingredient—politics—in the insalubrious cocktail of money and medicine. In Ethically Challenged, Olson rightly directs some of our attention to PE’s exercise of power in the halls of Congress that makes its huge profits at the expense of good health care possible. Profits generate power to protect and increase profits. In Disorder, I focus on the evolution of what might be called the “upstream” institutional causes of pathologies in medicine predating PE’s invasion. At the root of that was organized medicine in alliance with the pharmaceutical industry. A legacy of that medico-political alliance includes, most importantly, the obstruction of universal health care and therefore the flourishing of commercialized health care financing and delivery. PE therefore entered a congenial environment for takeover. To illustrate: in the early 1940s, the American Medical Association (AMA) raised $1 million for a massive and successful campaign to fight national health insurance and therefore preserve the \"American system of medicine.\" About 90% of that came from huge drug companies. In the 1950s, the AMA and the drug industry became enmeshed, and a revolving door opened between the two: in 1958, the Pharmaceutical Association of America (PMA) handed its presidency to the powerful editor of the AMA journal, who then, in 1963, moved on to a more lucrative job as president of Parke-Davis. The PMA then replaced him with the AMA’s executive vice president. Money circled back. In the early 1960s, 17 of the largest drug firms gave nearly $1 million to the AMA’s political action committee in the first three years of its efforts to fight Medicare, in part out of fear of federal controls on drug pricing. Although the AMA-pharma alliance failed against Medicare (except by making sure drugs were not covered and by preserving fee-for-service medicine), its successful obstruction of universal government health care opened the locks for the eventual “downstream” phenomenon of commercialized PE-care. Ironically, the conservative AMA of the 1920s onward had fiercely fought private health insurance as the “corporate practice of medicine” before eventually making peace with it on terms it approved of (again, most importantly, fee-for-service payment). But its current response to the new corporate invasion is downright feeble. It expresses worries more","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"45 1","pages":"205 - 206"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5000,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Response to Laura Katz Olson\",\"authors\":\"Peter A. Swenson\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/07393148.2023.2181549\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Laura Olson’s review of my book nicely surveys, among other things, what I say about the commercial invasion of American therapeutics early in the 20th century and the toxic mixture of profit seeking and health care that resulted. While my book focuses to a great extent on organized medicine’s long-standing and continuing entanglements with the drug industry, she looks at much later commercial invasion—of corporate capital into the clinical encounter between provider and patient. We both address another ingredient—politics—in the insalubrious cocktail of money and medicine. In Ethically Challenged, Olson rightly directs some of our attention to PE’s exercise of power in the halls of Congress that makes its huge profits at the expense of good health care possible. Profits generate power to protect and increase profits. In Disorder, I focus on the evolution of what might be called the “upstream” institutional causes of pathologies in medicine predating PE’s invasion. At the root of that was organized medicine in alliance with the pharmaceutical industry. A legacy of that medico-political alliance includes, most importantly, the obstruction of universal health care and therefore the flourishing of commercialized health care financing and delivery. PE therefore entered a congenial environment for takeover. To illustrate: in the early 1940s, the American Medical Association (AMA) raised $1 million for a massive and successful campaign to fight national health insurance and therefore preserve the \\\"American system of medicine.\\\" About 90% of that came from huge drug companies. In the 1950s, the AMA and the drug industry became enmeshed, and a revolving door opened between the two: in 1958, the Pharmaceutical Association of America (PMA) handed its presidency to the powerful editor of the AMA journal, who then, in 1963, moved on to a more lucrative job as president of Parke-Davis. The PMA then replaced him with the AMA’s executive vice president. Money circled back. In the early 1960s, 17 of the largest drug firms gave nearly $1 million to the AMA’s political action committee in the first three years of its efforts to fight Medicare, in part out of fear of federal controls on drug pricing. Although the AMA-pharma alliance failed against Medicare (except by making sure drugs were not covered and by preserving fee-for-service medicine), its successful obstruction of universal government health care opened the locks for the eventual “downstream” phenomenon of commercialized PE-care. Ironically, the conservative AMA of the 1920s onward had fiercely fought private health insurance as the “corporate practice of medicine” before eventually making peace with it on terms it approved of (again, most importantly, fee-for-service payment). But its current response to the new corporate invasion is downright feeble. It expresses worries more\",\"PeriodicalId\":46114,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"New Political Science\",\"volume\":\"45 1\",\"pages\":\"205 - 206\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.5000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-01-02\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"New Political Science\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2023.2181549\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q4\",\"JCRName\":\"POLITICAL SCIENCE\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"New Political Science","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2023.2181549","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q4","JCRName":"POLITICAL SCIENCE","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

摘要

劳拉·奥尔森(Laura Olson)对我的书的评论很好地调查了我所说的20世纪初美国治疗学的商业入侵,以及由此产生的逐利和医疗保健的有毒混合物。虽然我的书在很大程度上关注了有组织的医学与制药行业长期和持续的纠缠,但她关注的是更晚的商业入侵——企业资本进入提供者和患者之间的临床接触。我们都谈到了金钱和药物不健康的混合物中的另一个成分——政治。在《道德挑战》一书中,奥尔森正确地将我们的注意力引向了体育在国会大厅中行使权力,以牺牲良好的医疗保健为代价获取巨额利润的行为。利润产生保护和增加利润的动力。在《紊乱》一书中,我关注的是在PE侵入之前,医学病理的“上游”制度原因的演变。其根源是有组织的医学与制药工业的联盟。最重要的是,这种医学-政治联盟的遗留问题包括阻碍全民保健,从而阻碍商业化的保健筹资和提供的蓬勃发展。私募股权因此进入了收购的有利环境。举个例子:在20世纪40年代早期,美国医学协会(AMA)筹集了100万美元,成功地发起了一场大规模的运动,反对国家健康保险,从而维护了“美国医疗体系”。其中约90%来自大型制药公司。在20世纪50年代,美国医药协会和制药行业开始纠缠在一起,两者之间打开了一扇旋转门:1958年,美国制药协会(PMA)将主席职位交给了美国医药协会杂志的强大编辑,然后在1963年,他转到一个更赚钱的工作,成为帕克-戴维斯公司的总裁。PMA随后用AMA的执行副总裁取代了他。钱绕回来了。在20世纪60年代早期,17家最大的制药公司在美国医学协会的政治行动委员会对抗医疗保险的头三年里给了将近100万美元,部分原因是担心联邦政府对药品价格的控制。尽管美国药品协会-制药联盟在反对医疗保险方面失败了(除了确保药品不被覆盖和保留按服务收费的药品),但它成功地阻止了全民政府医疗保健,为最终的“下游”商业化pe医疗现象打开了大门。具有讽刺意味的是,20世纪20年代以来,保守的美国医疗协会曾激烈地反对私人医疗保险,称其为“企业医疗实践”,但最终在其认可的条款(同样,最重要的是,按服务收费)下与之和解。但它目前对新公司入侵的反应是完全无力的。它表达了更多的担忧
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
查看原文
分享 分享
微信好友 朋友圈 QQ好友 复制链接
本刊更多论文
Response to Laura Katz Olson
Laura Olson’s review of my book nicely surveys, among other things, what I say about the commercial invasion of American therapeutics early in the 20th century and the toxic mixture of profit seeking and health care that resulted. While my book focuses to a great extent on organized medicine’s long-standing and continuing entanglements with the drug industry, she looks at much later commercial invasion—of corporate capital into the clinical encounter between provider and patient. We both address another ingredient—politics—in the insalubrious cocktail of money and medicine. In Ethically Challenged, Olson rightly directs some of our attention to PE’s exercise of power in the halls of Congress that makes its huge profits at the expense of good health care possible. Profits generate power to protect and increase profits. In Disorder, I focus on the evolution of what might be called the “upstream” institutional causes of pathologies in medicine predating PE’s invasion. At the root of that was organized medicine in alliance with the pharmaceutical industry. A legacy of that medico-political alliance includes, most importantly, the obstruction of universal health care and therefore the flourishing of commercialized health care financing and delivery. PE therefore entered a congenial environment for takeover. To illustrate: in the early 1940s, the American Medical Association (AMA) raised $1 million for a massive and successful campaign to fight national health insurance and therefore preserve the "American system of medicine." About 90% of that came from huge drug companies. In the 1950s, the AMA and the drug industry became enmeshed, and a revolving door opened between the two: in 1958, the Pharmaceutical Association of America (PMA) handed its presidency to the powerful editor of the AMA journal, who then, in 1963, moved on to a more lucrative job as president of Parke-Davis. The PMA then replaced him with the AMA’s executive vice president. Money circled back. In the early 1960s, 17 of the largest drug firms gave nearly $1 million to the AMA’s political action committee in the first three years of its efforts to fight Medicare, in part out of fear of federal controls on drug pricing. Although the AMA-pharma alliance failed against Medicare (except by making sure drugs were not covered and by preserving fee-for-service medicine), its successful obstruction of universal government health care opened the locks for the eventual “downstream” phenomenon of commercialized PE-care. Ironically, the conservative AMA of the 1920s onward had fiercely fought private health insurance as the “corporate practice of medicine” before eventually making peace with it on terms it approved of (again, most importantly, fee-for-service payment). But its current response to the new corporate invasion is downright feeble. It expresses worries more
求助全文
通过发布文献求助,成功后即可免费获取论文全文。 去求助
来源期刊
New Political Science
New Political Science POLITICAL SCIENCE-
CiteScore
1.00
自引率
16.70%
发文量
53
期刊最新文献
Researching Hindu Nationalism as a Paradigm for Multidisciplinary Political Science Hindutva as Political Monotheism , by Anustup Basu, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2020, 296 pp., $27.95 (paperback), ISBN: 978-1-478-01094-4. Modi’s India: Hindu Nationalism and the Rise of Ethnic Democracy , by Christophe Jaffrelot, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2019, 656 pp., $35.00 (hardcover), ISBN: 978-0-691-20680-6. Hindu Nationalism in India , by Tanika Sarkar, … “Which Side Are You On” The 2023 American Political Science Association Annual Meeting & Exhibition: A Timeline Nostalgia, Hypermasculinity, and the American Far Right: What Ever Happened to Being Proud of Your Boy? The Collective Trauma of International Relations The Atlantic Realists: Empire and International Political Thought Between Germany and the United States , by Matthew G. Specter, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2022, xii + 321 pp., $30.00 (paperback), ISBN: 978-1-50-362996-7. From the Ashes of History: Collective Trauma and the Making of International Politics , by Adam B. Lerner, New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2022, 272 pp., $29.95 (paperback), ISBN: 978-0-19-… The Global Left: Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow The Global Left: Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow , by Immanuel Wallerstein, New York, NY: Routledge, 2022, 110 pp., $30.00 (paperback), ISBN: 978-1-138-39039-3.
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
已复制链接
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
×
扫码分享
扫码分享
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1