纪念:Miklós Tamás Gáspár

Gareth Dale
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引用次数: 0

摘要

Gáspár Miklós Tamás(又名TGM,朋友们称之为Gazsi)在许多方面都被人们铭记:散文家、自由派异见人士、保守党无政府主义者,甚至在一个案例中被称为“知识摇滚明星”。但我知道他是一名共产主义革命者。几乎就像他年轻时读过的维克多·谢尔盖小说中的主人公一样:对无能腐败的统治阶级大发雷霆,在集会上煽动,被文件和书籍包围,永不满足的好奇心,以及——与大多数摇滚明星不同,甚至是知识分子——被雇主列入黑名单,被安全部门追捕,入不敷出。我说“几乎”是因为他在晚年成长为这个角色,也因为在他的世界里,无论是盖奥尔基乌·德杰的罗马尼亚还是奥尔班的匈牙利,都没有在群众工人运动中活动的同志。他对革命马克思主义的理解是个人化的、迂回的。塔玛斯出生于本世纪中叶,这是一个历史转折点。1917-23年的叛乱和国际主义斗争正在记忆中消退,“共产主义”国家正在斯大林模式的基础上建立。在早期,他的父母作为共产主义者被监禁。战后,他们仍然是党员,但“共产主义”也是他们的敌人,这种感觉是相互的——最明显的是,当他的父亲被匈牙利国家剧院解雇时。塔玛斯会开玩笑说,他的共产主义父母给了他无可挑剔的反共教育。塔玛斯生活在共产主义断层线上,也跨越了国界。他是外国人,匈牙利人(在罗马尼亚),罗马尼亚出生(在匈牙利);他的身份包括半犹太人、过时的加尔文主义者和无神论者。他的阶级经历是多层次的,有工人阶级的朋友、农民表亲,他的父亲在被驱逐之前一直处于舒适的中产阶级地位。小时候,他狼吞虎咽地阅读书籍,父母和他们的环境不断给予鼓励——尽管这个政权很残暴,但它确实培养了大众识字率和高级文化。这些都是他才华的一些组成部分,但他也有能力深入了解一系列意识形态阵营,他在几个阵营中都搭了帐篷。1978年,塔玛斯因批评齐奥塞斯库政权的反马扎尔政策而被罗马尼亚驱逐出境。这一行为虽然残忍,但可能帮了他一个忙,因为他避开了齐奥塞斯库时期最糟糕的时期,并能够在布达佩斯将精力投入到民主变革中:为声援《77国宪章》请愿,在集会上发言,并反抗政权以试图参加选举为由逮捕他。即使在美国资本主义国家,持不同政见者也意味着工作不安全,偶尔还会遭到警察的暴力。(他曾被另一位活动家维克托·奥尔班(Viktor Orbán)保护免受警察殴打。这张照片引发了复杂的情绪。)
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In memoriam: Gáspár Miklós Tamás
Gáspár Miklós Tamás (aka TGM, or Gazsi to friends) is being remembered in his many facets: essayist, liberal dissident, Tory anarchist and even in one case as “intellectual rock star.” But I knew him as a communist revolutionary. Almost in the image of protagonists of the Victor Serge novels he had read when young: blazing at the inept and corrupt ruling classes, agitating at rallies, surrounded by papers and books, insatiably curious, and – unlike most rock stars, even of the intellectual sort – blacklisted by employers, hounded by the security services, and struggling to make ends meet. I say “almost” because he grew into this role late in life and because in his world, whether Gheorghiu-Dej’s Romania or Orbán’s Hungary, bands of comrades operating within mass workers’ movements were absent. His arrival at revolutionary Marxism was individual and circuitous. Tamás was born in mid-century, a historical breakpoint. The insurgent and internationalist struggles of 1917-23 were receding in memory, and “Communist” states were being constructed on the Stalin model. In the earlier era his parents had been incarcerated as communists. They remained party members after the war, yet “Communism” was also their enemy, and the feeling was mutual – most evidently when his father was sacked from his position in the Hungarian State Theatre. His communist parents, Tamás would joke, had given him an impeccably anti-communist education. Tamás lived across that communist fault-line and also across borders. He was foreign as a Hungarian (in Romania) and as Romanian-born (in Hungary); his identities included half Jewish, lapsed Calvinist, and atheist. His experience of class was multi-layered, with working-class friends, peasant cousins, and his father in a comfortable middle-class position until defenestrated. As a child he devoured books omnivorously, with parents and their milieu providing continual encouragement – and all under a regime that, notwithstanding its thuggery, did foster mass literacy and high culture. These were some ingredients of his brilliance, but so too was his ability to know intimately a range of ideological camps, having pitched his tent in several. In 1978 Tamás was booted out of Romania for criticizing the Ceauşescu regime’s antiMagyar policies. This act, though brutish, may have done him a favour as he dodged the worst of the Ceauşescu period and was able, in Budapest, to devote his energies to democratic change: petitioning in solidarity with Charter 77, speaking at rallies, and defying the regime to arrest him for attempting to stand in an election. Even in goulash state capitalism, being a dissident meant job insecurity and occasional violence from the cops. (He was once shielded from a police beating by a fellow activist, Viktor Orbán. It’s an image that elicits mixed emotions.)
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