考希克·罗伊,《阿富汗战争与社会:从莫卧儿人到美国人》,1500-2013

IF 0.1 Q4 AREA STUDIES History and Sociology of South Asia Pub Date : 2017-07-01 DOI:10.1177/2230807516688504
S. Rana
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引用次数: 0

摘要

第二个有趣的细节是,巴布里清真寺问题不允许被视为当地问题,因为该清真寺是穆斯林Waff的财产,象征性地与整个穆斯林社区联系在一起。Ahmed提到“。。。从1949年到1984年,地方和国家层面的穆斯林政治家继续忽视巴布里清真寺案,也从未将其作为穆斯林问题加以强调就连阿卜杜拉·布哈里在1977年法扎巴德的竞选活动中也没有提到这一点。有人说,在处理后殖民时代印度的社区分裂历史时,学者们试图将政府和印度教社区力量作为两个因素来关注。艾哈迈德在整个讨论中提出了第三个因素。他在处理证据时非常诚实和真诚。他唯一的问题是,他必须谈论“穆斯林政治”,当使用印度教或穆斯林政治时,必须用一种不允许作者从复数意义上看待社区的语言说话,即使他愿意。他曾试图使用“占主导地位的穆斯林叙事”等术语,但总的来说,他未能强调穆斯林不是一个政治社区这一事实。这本书是一本非常重要的作品,不仅因为它所说的,还因为它如何努力走出穆斯林同质化的视角。人们阅读它不仅可以了解穆斯林政治精英在印度-伊斯兰遗址的社区斗争中是如何发挥重要作用的,还可以意识到我们对穆斯林政治精英政治知之甚少。此外,人们可以意识到,如果不陷入世俗和社区的封闭辩论,处理这个问题是多么困难。希拉尔·艾哈迈德给了我们很多思考。他的方法和发现不太可能取悦世俗或社区阵营。但这应该被视为这本书的力量所在。对于那些仍然相信真诚的学术工作的人来说,完成这项重要的工作应该是一次有益的经历。
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Kaushik Roy, War and Society in Afghanistan: From the Mughals to the Americans, 1500–2013
The second interesting detail is that the Babri Masjid issue was not allowed to be treated as a local issue as the mosque was a Muslim Wakf property and symbolically linked to the entire Muslim community. Ahmed mentions that ‘... from 1949 to 1984, the local as well as national level Muslim politicians continued to ignore the Babri Masjid case and it was never highlighted as a Muslim issue.’ Even Abdullah Bukhari did not mention it in 1977 during the election campaign of Faizabad. It has been said that while dealing with the history of communal divide in postcolonial India, the academicians have tried to focus on the government and the Hindu communal forces as two factors. Ahmed has brought the third factor in this whole discussion. He is very honest and sincere in handling his evidence. His only problem is that he had to talk about ‘Muslim politics’, and when using Hindu or Muslim politics, one has to speak in a language which does not permit the writer to see the community in a plural sense, even if he wants. He has tried to use terms such as ‘the dominant Muslim narrative’, but, overall, he has not been able to underline the fact that the Muslim is not a political community. This book is a very important work not only for what it says but also because how it struggles to come out of the Muslim homogeneity perspective. One can read it not only to know how Muslim political elites have been quite significant in the story of communal contestations over Indo-Islamic sites but also to realise how little we know about the Muslim political elite politics. Also, one can realise how difficult it is to deal with this subject without being trapped into a closed debate of secular and communal. Hilal Ahmed has given us much to think about. His approach and findings are not likely to please either secular or communal camps. But this should be seen as the strength of the book. For all those who still have faith in sincere academic work, going through this important work should be a rewarding experience.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.10
自引率
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发文量
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期刊介绍: History and Sociology of South Asia provides a forum for scholarly interrogations of significant moments in the transformation of the social, economic and political fabric of South Asian societies. Thus the journal advisedly presents an interdisciplinary space in which contemporary ideas compete, and critiques of existing perspectives are encouraged. The interdisciplinary focus of the journal enables it to incorporate diverse areas of research, including political economy, social ecology, and issues of minority rights, gender, and the role of law in development. History and Sociology of South Asia also promotes dialogue on socio-political problems, from which academicians as well as activists and advocacy groups can benefit.
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