{"title":"军事不道德的耻辱","authors":"Henrik Syse","doi":"10.1080/15027570.2022.2133374","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"What should we call the willful and almost total neglect of military ethics? Maybe the term military immorality catches what we are after, signifying not only the theoretical beach but also the shocking practical neglect of the basic rules of military practice. As this editorial is being written, the conflict in Ukraine is getting more intractable and serious by the day. The situation may have changed by the time this issue reaches our readers. However, no matter the further development, the Russian state and its military have assuredly failed judged by the standards of military ethics. The jus ad bellum requirements of just cause, right intention, and proportionality were blatantly violated as Ukraine was attacked. This is true no matter how one views the rights of the Russian-speaking population of parts of Ukraine, or the willingness of NATO and the EU to consider Ukrainian membership in their organizations in spite of Russian objections. The threshold for engaging military force must be placed considerably higher and was never even approached as Ukraine and the West were essentially attempting to defend the independence of a sovereign state and forestall future conflict. The biggest moral shocks, however, even considering the lowest of expectations, have been seen on the battlefield and according to the rules of jus in bello. Targeted killings of civilians, wanton destruction of infrastructure, rape, plundering, and torture are all reliably reported to an extent that simply cannot be ignored. Soldiers without proper training are sent into battle. Little internal discipline can be discerned. This is a crime not only against those being cruelly attacked, but also against the Russian soldiers who are sent into battle without the preparation and professional education they – and all of us – should legitimately expect. President Vladimir Putin always recites litanies of grievances against the West in order to legitimize these policies. But even if there should be truth to some of his historical accusations, two wrongs never make a right. As academics we often observe events through the lens of the spectator, neutrally analyzing what is transpiring, and placing it into theoretical categories. But as engaged participants in the debate about military ethics we cannot be merely spectators, we are always participants. The Norwegian philosopher Hans Skjervheim, in a classic essay from 1957, wrote wisely about the difference between being “Participant and Observer” (“Deltakar og tilskodar”). Skjervheim poignantly challenges our tendency to see the academic’s stance as distanced and cold. By all means, we ought always to be balanced and not let our political or other preferences unduly influence our academic research. And we should always listen to all sides of every story. But we must never close our eyes to cynical attacks on human dignity. And this brings us back to the bottom line of military ethics: Armed force should never be used except as a necessary response to armed aggression, and always with the utmost care for protecting civilians and abiding by International Humanitarian Law. In the name of nationalism, endless grievances, and twisted realpolitik, Vladimir Putin is knowingly ignoring all of","PeriodicalId":39180,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Military Ethics","volume":"21 1","pages":"95 - 96"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Shame of Military Immorality\",\"authors\":\"Henrik Syse\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/15027570.2022.2133374\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"What should we call the willful and almost total neglect of military ethics? Maybe the term military immorality catches what we are after, signifying not only the theoretical beach but also the shocking practical neglect of the basic rules of military practice. As this editorial is being written, the conflict in Ukraine is getting more intractable and serious by the day. The situation may have changed by the time this issue reaches our readers. However, no matter the further development, the Russian state and its military have assuredly failed judged by the standards of military ethics. The jus ad bellum requirements of just cause, right intention, and proportionality were blatantly violated as Ukraine was attacked. This is true no matter how one views the rights of the Russian-speaking population of parts of Ukraine, or the willingness of NATO and the EU to consider Ukrainian membership in their organizations in spite of Russian objections. The threshold for engaging military force must be placed considerably higher and was never even approached as Ukraine and the West were essentially attempting to defend the independence of a sovereign state and forestall future conflict. The biggest moral shocks, however, even considering the lowest of expectations, have been seen on the battlefield and according to the rules of jus in bello. Targeted killings of civilians, wanton destruction of infrastructure, rape, plundering, and torture are all reliably reported to an extent that simply cannot be ignored. Soldiers without proper training are sent into battle. Little internal discipline can be discerned. This is a crime not only against those being cruelly attacked, but also against the Russian soldiers who are sent into battle without the preparation and professional education they – and all of us – should legitimately expect. President Vladimir Putin always recites litanies of grievances against the West in order to legitimize these policies. But even if there should be truth to some of his historical accusations, two wrongs never make a right. As academics we often observe events through the lens of the spectator, neutrally analyzing what is transpiring, and placing it into theoretical categories. 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引用次数: 1
摘要
我们应该称之为故意和几乎完全忽视军事道德的行为是什么?也许“军事不道德”一词抓住了我们所追求的,它不仅意味着理论上的海滩,而且意味着对军事实践基本规则的令人震惊的实际忽视。随着这篇社论的撰写,乌克兰的冲突日益棘手和严重。当这个问题到达我们的读者手中时,情况可能已经改变了。然而,无论进一步发展,俄罗斯国家及其军队肯定没有按照军事道德标准来评判。正当理由、正当意图和相称性的战争法要求在乌克兰受到攻击时遭到公然违反。无论人们如何看待乌克兰部分地区讲俄语人口的权利,或者北约和欧盟不顾俄罗斯的反对,考虑乌克兰加入其组织的意愿,都是如此。必须大大提高动用军事力量的门槛,甚至从未接近过,因为乌克兰和西方基本上都在试图捍卫主权国家的独立,并阻止未来的冲突。然而,即使考虑到最低的期望,最大的道德冲击也发生在战场上,并根据贝洛法的规则。有针对性地杀害平民、肆意破坏基础设施、强奸、掠夺和酷刑都有可靠的报道,其程度不容忽视。没有经过适当训练的士兵被派往战场。几乎看不出内部纪律。这不仅是对那些遭到残酷袭击的人的罪行,也是对那些在没有得到他们——以及我们所有人——应有的准备和专业教育的情况下被派往战场的俄罗斯士兵的罪行。弗拉基米尔·普京总统总是对西方怨声载道,以使这些政策合法化。但是,即使他的一些历史指控应该是真实的,两个错误永远不会成为一个正确的。作为学者,我们经常通过旁观者的视角来观察事件,中立地分析正在发生的事情,并将其归入理论范畴。但是,作为军事伦理辩论的参与者,我们不能仅仅是旁观者,我们始终是参与者。挪威哲学家Hans Skjervheim在1957年的一篇经典文章中明智地写到了“参与者和观察者”之间的区别(“Deltakar og tilskodar”)。Skjervheim尖锐地挑战了我们将这位学者的立场视为疏远和冷漠的倾向。无论如何,我们应该始终保持平衡,不要让我们的政治或其他偏好过度影响我们的学术研究。我们应该倾听每一个故事的方方面面。但是,我们决不能对对人类尊严的愤世嫉俗的攻击视而不见。这让我们回到了军事道德的底线:除非作为对武装侵略的必要回应,否则永远不应该使用武力,并始终以最大的谨慎保护平民和遵守国际人道主义法。以民族主义、无尽的不满和扭曲的现实政治的名义,弗拉基米尔·普京故意无视所有
What should we call the willful and almost total neglect of military ethics? Maybe the term military immorality catches what we are after, signifying not only the theoretical beach but also the shocking practical neglect of the basic rules of military practice. As this editorial is being written, the conflict in Ukraine is getting more intractable and serious by the day. The situation may have changed by the time this issue reaches our readers. However, no matter the further development, the Russian state and its military have assuredly failed judged by the standards of military ethics. The jus ad bellum requirements of just cause, right intention, and proportionality were blatantly violated as Ukraine was attacked. This is true no matter how one views the rights of the Russian-speaking population of parts of Ukraine, or the willingness of NATO and the EU to consider Ukrainian membership in their organizations in spite of Russian objections. The threshold for engaging military force must be placed considerably higher and was never even approached as Ukraine and the West were essentially attempting to defend the independence of a sovereign state and forestall future conflict. The biggest moral shocks, however, even considering the lowest of expectations, have been seen on the battlefield and according to the rules of jus in bello. Targeted killings of civilians, wanton destruction of infrastructure, rape, plundering, and torture are all reliably reported to an extent that simply cannot be ignored. Soldiers without proper training are sent into battle. Little internal discipline can be discerned. This is a crime not only against those being cruelly attacked, but also against the Russian soldiers who are sent into battle without the preparation and professional education they – and all of us – should legitimately expect. President Vladimir Putin always recites litanies of grievances against the West in order to legitimize these policies. But even if there should be truth to some of his historical accusations, two wrongs never make a right. As academics we often observe events through the lens of the spectator, neutrally analyzing what is transpiring, and placing it into theoretical categories. But as engaged participants in the debate about military ethics we cannot be merely spectators, we are always participants. The Norwegian philosopher Hans Skjervheim, in a classic essay from 1957, wrote wisely about the difference between being “Participant and Observer” (“Deltakar og tilskodar”). Skjervheim poignantly challenges our tendency to see the academic’s stance as distanced and cold. By all means, we ought always to be balanced and not let our political or other preferences unduly influence our academic research. And we should always listen to all sides of every story. But we must never close our eyes to cynical attacks on human dignity. And this brings us back to the bottom line of military ethics: Armed force should never be used except as a necessary response to armed aggression, and always with the utmost care for protecting civilians and abiding by International Humanitarian Law. In the name of nationalism, endless grievances, and twisted realpolitik, Vladimir Putin is knowingly ignoring all of