解决叛乱的政策——印度第三方干预的经验教训

IF 0.8 Q4 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Indian Growth and Development Review Pub Date : 2019-09-23 DOI:10.1108/igdr-04-2017-0033
D. Gupta
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The author finds that instead, in this scenario, Matching Development Grants are more suitable, as they incentivize the State Governments to reveal private information and help the Union Government exit its third-party role. For a practitioner involved in conflict resolution, these conclusions imply that as the desirability of policies can change diametrically overtime, Union Government must spend resources only on those heads of expenditure that provide both security and development benefits provided they aid in preventing flow of resources to Naxalites. Further, to end its assistance, the Union Government’s expenditures should also complement the capabilities of the State Government rather than substituting them. These results can also guide policy in other protracted civil wars with substantial third-party intervention, which are common these days.\n\n\nDesign/methodology/approach\nThe paper is an historical analysis of strategies used by Union and State Governments and Naxalites. 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Third-party interventions in other insurgencies may be revisited under these conclusions.\n\n\nSocial implications\nSecurity and Development policies are tools for controlling Naxalite insurgency, which can also be used to prevent flow of resources to Naxalites. Security and development policies to resolving insurgencies are useful at different information scenarios. Therefore, information neutral policies should be preferred.\n\n\nOriginality/value\nThis paper has contributed theoretically in modeling continuing conflicts like Naxalite insurgency, explicitly. The author also shows that though the field of civil wars may have evolved along the Greed vs Grievance debate (Collier and Hoeffler, 2004), for a practitioner, the lines blur when it comes to solutions, as many heads of expenditures have features of both security and development. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

目的在本文中,作者建立了一个博弈论模型来理解为什么印度联邦政府作为第三方在历史的不同时期使用不同的方案来协助邦政府打击纳萨尔派叛乱。通过对不同方案的比较,发现尽管匹配安全补助金方案总体上是首选方案,但在信息不对称的情况下,它导致了紧急情况,联邦政府不得不提供不太首选的批量安全补助金。后来,由于各州政府通过减少自己的安全捐款来搭便车,因此很难撤回这些赠款。作者发现,相反,在这种情况下,匹配发展补助金更合适,因为它们激励州政府披露私人信息,并帮助联邦政府退出其第三方角色。对于参与解决冲突的从业者来说,这些结论意味着,由于政策的可取性可能会随着时间的推移而发生根本性的变化,联邦政府必须仅将资源用于那些既能提供安全利益又能带来发展利益的支出目上,前提是这些支出目有助于防止资源流向纳萨尔派。此外,为了结束其援助,联邦政府的支出也应补充州政府的能力,而不是取而代之。这些结果也可以指导其他旷日持久的内战中的政策,而第三方的大量干预目前很常见。设计/方法论/方法本文是对联邦和州政府以及纳萨尔派使用的战略的历史分析。该分析基于博弈论工具并辅以实例。发现联邦政府必须提供配套拨款,而不是中央武装警察部队等大量拨款,这些拨款应旨在与州政府的安全捐款建立互补性。在信息不对称的情况下,联邦政府和州政府减少了与纳萨尔派作战的费用。配套发展补助金计划会做得更好。联邦政府除了补充州政府的安全贡献外,还必须将资源用于提供发展和安全福利的支出,以遏制资源流向纳萨尔派。研究局限性/含义研究受到分类数据的限制,以检验假设。它还受到隐藏变量数据的限制,比如纳萨尔派对战斗的贡献。这项研究也局限于战争中的个别群体,如警察指挥官、政治家和纳萨尔派指挥官,没有被纳入其中。多个不对称方也不被考虑;这可能会将该模型推广到其他叛乱地区。实际意义某些支出项目,如道路、移动通信、提高调查质量、防止安全部队侵犯人权等,既有利于安全,也有利于发展。联邦政府的支出必须用于此目的。因此,从从业者的角度来看,贪婪与委屈之间的争论并不是一种限制,而是一种引导。必须根据这些原则重新起草《印度宪法》的相关条款。根据这些结论,可以重新审视第三方对其他叛乱的干预。社会影响安全和发展政策是控制纳萨尔派叛乱的工具,也可用于防止资源流向纳萨尔派。解决叛乱的安全和发展政策在不同的信息场景下都很有用。因此,应首选信息中立的策略。原创性/价值本文在建模纳萨尔派叛乱等持续冲突方面做出了明确的理论贡献。作者还表明,尽管内战领域可能是随着贪婪与悲伤的辩论而演变的(Collier和Hoeffler,2004),但对于从业者来说,在解决方案方面,界限是模糊的,因为许多支出主管都具有安全和发展的特征。本文还表明,当联邦政府面临信息不对称的情况时,匹配发展补助金的政策虽然在短期内价值有限,但从长远来看是有益的。这是一个重要的结论,因为在最激烈的暴力时期之前是信息不对称的情况。此外,它还与其他有第三方干预的内战有关,例如北约在阿富汗的干预。
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Policies for resolving insurgencies – lessons from third-party intervention in India
Purpose In this paper, the author develops a game theoretical model to understand why Union Government of India, as a third party, has used different schemes at different times in history to assist the State Governments in fighting the Naxalite insurgency. Comparing across schemes, it was found that though Matching Security Grants scheme was preferred in general, during asymmetric information scenario it led to an emergency situation wherein the Union Government had to provide the less preferred Bulk Security Grants. Later, it became difficult to withdraw these grants as the State Governments free rode by reducing own security contribution. The author finds that instead, in this scenario, Matching Development Grants are more suitable, as they incentivize the State Governments to reveal private information and help the Union Government exit its third-party role. For a practitioner involved in conflict resolution, these conclusions imply that as the desirability of policies can change diametrically overtime, Union Government must spend resources only on those heads of expenditure that provide both security and development benefits provided they aid in preventing flow of resources to Naxalites. Further, to end its assistance, the Union Government’s expenditures should also complement the capabilities of the State Government rather than substituting them. These results can also guide policy in other protracted civil wars with substantial third-party intervention, which are common these days. Design/methodology/approach The paper is an historical analysis of strategies used by Union and State Governments and Naxalites. The analysis is based on game theoretic tools supported with examples. Findings The Union Government must provide matching grants instead of bulk grants such as Central Armed Police Forces, and the grants should be aimed at building complementarities with the state governments’ security contributions. Under asymmetric information scenario, the Union and State Governments reduce their expenses incurred to fight the Naxalites. A Matching Development Grants scheme would have done better. Union Government must spend resources on heads of expenditure that provides both Development and Security benefits, to curb flow of resources to Naxalites, besides complementing the Security Contributions of the State Government. Research limitations/implications The research is limited by disaggregated data to test the hypotheses. It is also limited by the data on hidden variables like the contribution of the Naxalites to fighting. The research is also limited to the extent that individual groups in the war like police commanders, politicians and Naxalite commanders are not incorporated. Multiple asymmetric parties are also not considered; that may generalize the model to other theaters of insurgency. Practical implications Certain heads of expenditure such as roads, mobile communication, improving quality of investigation, preventing human rights violations by the security forces, etc. are both security and development enhancing. The Union Government's expenditures must be directed toward this end. Therefore, from a practitioner's perspective, the debate between greed and grievances exists not as a limitation but as a guide. The relevant articles of Constitution of India must be redrafted on these principles. Third-party interventions in other insurgencies may be revisited under these conclusions. Social implications Security and Development policies are tools for controlling Naxalite insurgency, which can also be used to prevent flow of resources to Naxalites. Security and development policies to resolving insurgencies are useful at different information scenarios. Therefore, information neutral policies should be preferred. Originality/value This paper has contributed theoretically in modeling continuing conflicts like Naxalite insurgency, explicitly. The author also shows that though the field of civil wars may have evolved along the Greed vs Grievance debate (Collier and Hoeffler, 2004), for a practitioner, the lines blur when it comes to solutions, as many heads of expenditures have features of both security and development. This paper also shows that when the Union Government faced asymmetric information scenario, the policy of matching development grants would be beneficial in long run though of limited value in short run. This is an important conclusion as the most intense period of violence was preceded by the asymmetric information scenario. Besides, it has relevance for the other civil wars with third-party intervention, such as NATO in Afghanistan.
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