不可阻挡的爱尔兰人:纽约爱尔兰人的歌曲与融合,1783-1883。丹·米尔纳著。页294。南本德,印第安纳州:圣母大学出版社,2019。40美元的精装版。

IF 0.3 1区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY IRISH HISTORICAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI:10.1017/ihs.2021.38
D. Shiels
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引用次数: 1

摘要

许多被布伦戴奇称为“正在进行的政治想象和话语发明的工作”,这是推进爱尔兰民族主义思想的核心(第5页)。这本书按时间顺序排列,从1798年的Tones和流亡者到20世纪末的耶稣受难节协议。每一章都通过提供爱尔兰政治发展的背景,简洁地将美国的事件置于背景中。采用如此广泛的时间框架,使布伦戴奇能够展示爱尔兰裔美国人民族主义的变化性质,这种民族主义一直处于不断变化的状态。体力力量和宪法民族主义者都享受着他们的阳光时刻,就像他们都经历了萧条时期一样。在整个过程中,他们不得不与爱尔兰裔美国自身的不断演变作斗争。19世纪初,爱尔兰统一党流亡者所处的宗教、社会和政治流散世界,与19世纪50年代的青年爱尔兰人或20世纪20年代的反条约共和派所处的世界截然不同。作者还发现,在他的整个研究期间,他所拥护的民族主义理想具有多样性和复杂性。一些人拥护激进的共和主义,而另一些人则更为保守,渴望更温和的变革。同样,也有一些人主张世俗民族主义,就像有人希望看到天主教成为任何独立的爱尔兰的核心一样。虽然有些人只把自己局限于爱尔兰的事业,但对另一些人来说,民族主义只是争取跨国社会和政治变革的更广泛斗争的一个组成部分。布伦戴奇的作品中一个特别令人耳目一新的方面是,他努力探索爱尔兰民族主义者在包容(或排斥)女性方面的历史记录,以及他们在女性选举权等问题上的立场。在这里,他又遇到了很多反差。支持投票权的Mary J. O ' donovan Rossa在1915年写道,在na Gael部族中,妇女“必须绝对服从授权的男子,并自愿接受他们的指导”(第139页)。与此同时,其他一些人,如美国爱尔兰联合联盟的民族主义者,在只有一个爱尔兰联合爱尔兰联盟分支机构接纳女性成员的情况下,欢迎女性担任其组织内的领导职务。布伦戴奇对民族主义与劳工激进主义和种族不平等的互动提供了类似的见解,这些问题(以及政治参与)有助于说明美国的生活如何影响爱尔兰民族主义者,以及他们如何反过来影响美国。前者中有像丹尼斯·德里斯科尔(Denis Driscol)这样的人,他是反奴隶制的联合爱尔兰人(United irish),他在美国发布悬赏,悬赏逃亡者,并捍卫对被奴役者施加的往往极端的惩罚。后者包括反对条约的爱尔兰共和军老兵迈克·奎尔(Mike Quill),他在1934年被选为拥有3万人的运输工人工会(Transport Workers’union)的主席,后来成为纽约市议会议员。这本书的范围很广,方法也很吸引人。布伦戴奇甚至为偶尔涉足全球爱尔兰民族主义找到了空间,比如在更广阔世界的芬尼主义部分(第108-10页)。这本书成功地将一个令人生畏的广泛话题组织成一个有凝聚力的、写得很好的、有见地的整体,肯定会成为一个标准的文本。它代表了一个重要的和非常有用的贡献,以研究爱尔兰民族主义的跨国视角不断扩大的学术工作机构。
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The unstoppable Irish: songs and integration of the New York Irish, 1783–1883. By Dan Milner. Pp 294. South Bend, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. 2019. $40 hardback.
many of what Brundage terms the ‘ongoing work of political imagination and discursive invention’ that was central to advancing Irish nationalist ideas (p. 5). Arranged chronologically, the book journeys from the Tones and the exiles of 1798 through to the Good Friday Agreement at the close of the twentieth century. Each chapter succinctly contextualises events in America by providing a backdrop of the political developments in Ireland. The adoption of such a broad timeframe allows Brundage to demonstrate the changing nature of Irish American nationalism, which was in a regular state of flux. Physical force and constitutional nationalists both enjoyed their moments in the sun, just as both experienced stretches in the doldrums. Throughout they had to contend with the constant evolution of Irish America itself. The religious, social and political diasporic world encountered by the United Irish exiles of the early 1800s was a very different place to the one found by the Young Irelanders of the 1850s, or the anti-treaty republicans of the 1920s. The author also finds variance and complexity in the nationalist ideals espoused throughout his study period. While some embraced a radical republican vision, others were more conservative, aspiring towards more moderate change. Equally there were those who advocated for a secular nationalism, just as there were those who desired to see Catholicism at the heart of any independent Ireland. And while some confined themselves solely to the cause of Ireland, there were others for whom nationalism was but one component of a wider struggle for transnational social and political change. A particularly refreshing aspect of Brundage’s work is his effort to explore the track record of Irish nationalists on the inclusion (and exclusion) of women, and their position on issues such as women’s suffrage. Again, here he encounters much contrast. Writing in 1915, Mary J. O’Donovan Rossa— who supported the right to vote— opined that within Clan na Gael women ‘must be absolutely under obedience to the authorised men and takewilling guidance from them’ (p.139). Meanwhile, others, such as the nationalists of the United Irish League of America, were welcoming women to leading positions within their organisation at a time when only one Irish United Irish League branch was admitting them to membership. Brundage provides similar insights into nationalist interactions with labour activism and racial inequality, issues which (along with political engagement) serve to illustrate how life in America could influence Irish nationalists and how they, in turn, influenced America. Among the former were men like Denis Driscol, the anti-slavery United Irishman who in the United States published offers of reward for runaways and defended the often-extreme punishments inflicted upon the enslaved. Among the latter were those like anti-treaty I.R.A. veteran Mike Quill, who in 1934 was elected president of the 30,000 strong Transport Workers’Union and later became a member of the New York City Council. This book is ambitious in scope and engaging in approach. Brundage even finds room for the occasional foray into global Irish nationalism, such as in the section on Fenianism in the wider world (pp 108–10). The volume succeeds in marshalling a dauntingly broad topic into a cohesive, well-written and insightful whole, in what is sure to become a standard text. It stands as an important and highly useful contribution to the ever-expanding body of scholarly work examining Irish nationalism in a transnational perspective.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.70
自引率
7.10%
发文量
25
期刊介绍: This journal is published jointly by the Irish Historical Society and the Ulster Society for Irish Historical Studies. Published twice a year, Irish Historical Studies covers all areas of Irish history, including the medieval period. We thank William E. Vaughn of the management committee of Irish Historical Studies for his permission to republish the following two articles.
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